A rebel youth? Student radicalism in late 19th century Italy Cover Image

Una gioventù ribelle? Il radicalismo studentesco nell’Italia di fine Ottocento
A rebel youth? Student radicalism in late 19th century Italy

Author(s): Valentina Colombi
Subject(s): Social history, 19th Century
Published by: Editura Universităţii »Alexandru Ioan Cuza« din Iaşi
Keywords: student associations; student movement; radicalism; post-unity Italy;

Summary/Abstract: The considerable number of young students involved in a radical political activity alarmed many Italian politicians and annalists of the last decades of the 19th century.. A large part of these critics justified that behaviour only by the age of the subjects involved: a justification that was not entirely relieving, but was certainly reasonable, for youth was considered a very “radical” age, particularly when associated with a high education level and with the development of a political consciousness and a critical mind. This “radical” feature of youth was, at the end of 19th century, a quite recent discovery, being a consequence of the great cultural and social transformations of post-French Revolution era. From that moment on, being young became – not for everyone, only for the privileged bourgeois young male– a long period of self-experimentation, during which the usual rules of bourgeois social system were only partially effective. The young bourgeois man could explore the social environment and broaden his experience of the world, in a relatively free and autonomous way. Moreover, this kind of individual path also had a collective side, as the young bourgeois were additionally supposed to become active citizens of their country, who were entitled to vote and potentially be voted. Therefore, the perception of being free and autonomous influenced their political behaviour. As cultural aspects are crucial to explain student radicalism, the wide political and historical context is also important. To the postRisorgimento Italian young students, being “radical” meant, above all, being against the Monarchy of Savoia or, more generally, being dissatisfied with the political, institutional and social results of the unification. The transition from the heroic struggle of the Risorgimento to a new national united kingdom was generally considered as a complete change of perspective. Heroes and volunteers were no longer needed, being replaced by hard-workers, thoroughly supporting the new order. However, many people – and many young people – did not adjust to the new situation, and tried to find other ways to continue their campaign, even without weapons and battles. In a nation with liberal and democratic institutions, such means were not necessary anymore; protesting, freely expressing a different opinion, or getting socially involved were the new methods through which those people could continue their battle. Students in particular viewed the university itself as a battlefield. Since the early 1860’s, student protests were frequent, more often involving the large universities like Turin, Pavia, Bologna and Naples. In many cases, radical minorities were able to involve the whole student body in a protest with wide political claims. Those militant students were accustomed to being “political”, meaning involved in collective contexts, such as political associations. Thus, they managed to influence the collective dimension of student life; during the first years after the Unification, many student associations, meant to promote the interests and rights of students, were created. They were designed after the “società di mutuo soccorso”, the solidarity unions for workers, therefore they were close to the radical, republican, and democratic environments, but were not politically biased. On the contrary, they meant to represent the student body as a whole. This contact between those militant, politically active minorities and the large student body faded during the second half of the 1870’s, mainly because of the hostility of the government towards any sort of political behaviour among the students. Various regulations were added, in order to stifle the students' enthusiasm to organise meetings, to discuss relevant topics about academic or even national government, to set up political student associations and so forth. Nonetheless, at the beginning of the 1880’s some important changes happened, which livened up the activity of radical students. One of the first important events was the electoral reform, that lowered the voting age from 25 to 21. As a consequence, the political participation of students increased. But, more importantly, a general change of mood was taking place. Whilst the great personalities of Risorgimento were growing old and dying, the memory of them and of their story began to occupy the public space, with celebrations, monuments and other signs of an emergent cult of that epic era. Many students – and especially many radical students – did not miss the opportunity to participate in this process, trying to define the university space by their own favourite models and symbols. In that context, some of those students found the way to involve, once again, the whole student body in a mobilization so wide, that it can be considered the first Italian student movement. In March 1885, a confrontation between police and students in Turin triggered the reaction of the entire student corps of the country. Once more, the radical minorities took over the leadership of the movement. This time, they were able to appeal not only to the students’ esprit de corps, but also to a generational affinity. They introduced their protest as the battle of a proud young élite, rising up against an establishment described as corrupt and decrepit. Even though this same establishment tried to discredit that leadership by calling it “subversive”, this movement, such as the past activism of radical students, could be viewed as an effort to be included in the system, rather than a struggle to overthrow it. The radical leadership intended the expression of dissent simply as a way to participate in the democratic life of their country. Since in a democracy citizens are entitled to dissent, those students perceived themselves as young citizens exercising their rights, and not as an assemblage of revolutionaries, ready to demolish the liberal order. Nevertheless, the student movement showed early signs of weakness and in a few weeks faded and ceased. During the following years, new attempts were made by radical students to organise their opposition. The creation of a national federation that connected all the radical student associations in the country became thus more relevant. It operated between 1888 and 1890, but was never really lively. The main characteristic of that experience was the sheer political nature of their activity. Eventually, the fear of the “subversion” showed by the establishment had won, preventing the radical students from trying to lead the entire student class. In the meantime, student collective life was changing. New groups managed to fill that void and to attract the majority of students. Those groups were considered apolitical, because they were thoroughly consistent with the moderate and monarchic politics. Thus, a new sort of student associations arose, formally detached from politics and more interested in recreational activities, such as excursions, entertainment and sports. While the radical students – and “political” students in general – were drawn to the dawning parties, a new student movement appeared, supporting the creation of an Italian university in the territory still included in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The phantom of “subversion” vanished, progressively replaced by a new radicals.

  • Issue Year: 2012
  • Issue No: 03
  • Page Range: 19-44
  • Page Count: 26
  • Language: Italian
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