DAYTONSKI MIROVNI SPORAZUM I BUDUĆNOST BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
THE DAYTON PEACE AGREEMENT AND THE FUTURE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Contributor(s): Zijad Šehić (Editor), Mirko Pejanović (Editor)
Subject(s): National Economy, Constitutional Law, Criminal Law, Civil Law, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Law and Transitional Justice, Civil Society, Military history, Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Studies in violence and power, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Inter-Ethnic Relations, Politics and Identity, Peace and Conflict Studies
Published by: Akademija Nauka i Umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine
Keywords: Dayton Peace Agreements; Aggression; International and national criminal law; Constitutional law; Human rights; Economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the war; Multiculturalism in Bosnia; Civil law in Bosnia; Geopolitics;
Summary/Abstract: Dvadeset prvog novembra 2015. godini navršilo se 20 godina od potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. U želji da ispune svoju društvenu i naučnu misiju dva odjeljenja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Odjeljenje društvenih i Odjeljenje humanističkih nauka, inicirala su održavanje naučnog simpozija na temu Daytonski mirovni sporazum i budućnost Bosne i Hercegovine. Naučni simpozij je održan 19. novembra/studenoga 2015. godine u Akademiji nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine. Njegov koncept ustanovljen je u okviru Odjeljenja društvenih nauka i Odjeljenja humanističkih nauka. Prema njemu oblikovane su četiri tematske cjeline za koje su pozvani autori pripremili ukupno 19 referata. Dva referata su pripremljena iz oblasti istorijskih, četiri iz pravnih, pet iz ekonomskih te osam iz oblasti politološko-socioloških nauka i međunarodnih odnosa. Svi pripremljeni i izloženi referati predstavljaju rezultate pojedinačnog naučnog istraživanja složenog kompleksa pitanja koja se odnose na istorijski kontekst u kome je potpisan Daytonski mirovni sporazum i na njegovu primjenu u socijalnoj i političkoj zbilji tokom proteklih 20 godina.
Series: Posebna izdanja ANUBiH
- E-ISBN-13: 978-9926-410-09-4
- Page Count: 274
- Publication Year: 2015
- Language: Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
PAX AMERICANA. REPUBLIKA BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA I MEĐUNARODNA DIPLOMATIJA OD VAŠINGTONSKOG DO DEJTONSKOG MIROVNOG SPORAZUMA (18. III 1994 – 21. XI 1995)
PAX AMERICANA. REPUBLIKA BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA I MEĐUNARODNA DIPLOMATIJA OD VAŠINGTONSKOG DO DEJTONSKOG MIROVNOG SPORAZUMA (18. III 1994 – 21. XI 1995)
(PAX AMERICANA. THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND INTERNATIONAL DIPLOMACY FROM WASHINGTON TO DAYTON PEACE AGREEMENT (18 March 1994 – 21 November 1995))
- Author(s):Zijad Šehić
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Constitutional Law, International Law, Diplomatic history, Military history, International relations/trade, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:15-39
- No. of Pages:25
- Keywords:Washington Agreement; Contact Group; international diplomacy; USA; Dayton Agreement;
- Summary/Abstract:On the basis of the reference literature and diplomatic sources, the author considers the plans and activities of the international community to end the war in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from the Washington to the Dayton Peace Agreement. Special attention is devoted to the events that had influenced the change of former US policy and its more active engagement. The analysis of international diplomacy and attitudes of various countries towards the developments in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointed to the complexity of achieving a peace agreement for which the United States had to try out various strategies and seek different solutions, whereby a significant role was played by the situation at its inner-political scene. Author pays special attention to the events that paved the way for a peace agreement, as well as the military and political means that had played a key role in achieving peace. Based on the analysis of the provisions and implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, author believes it had ended the war, but did not allow the establishment of a functional state, because the ideologies that had caused the war continued to live and deepen the divisions in BiH society through propaganda and rhetoric. He believes that re-enabling normal life in Bosnia and Herzegovina requires the removal of these structures and the consequences that they have produced and continue to produce, which is why Bosnia and Herzegovina is waiting for support for its European path. He claims that it can only work if the democratic settings, if needed, be even imposed by the international community, which left the project of building the institutions unfinished. If the international community consistently supports this, author believes that the path of accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the modern European societies will be much shorter and much faster.
RUSKI FAKTOR POLITIČKOG STATUSA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE DANAS
RUSKI FAKTOR POLITIČKOG STATUSA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE DANAS
(RUSSIAN FACTOR OF THE POLITICAL STATUS OF BIH TODAY)
- Author(s):Enver Halilović
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Government/Political systems, International relations/trade, Political behavior, Politics and religion, Inter-Ethnic Relations, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:40-63
- No. of Pages:24
- Keywords:Russian Federation (RF); Republika Srpska (RS); the West; Orthodox Slavs;
- Summary/Abstract:Russian interest in Bosnia and Herzegovina is equally direct and indirect. It is direct to the extent to which the Russian Federation is today a strong east-Slav-Orthodox question, and is indirect to the extent that concerns the interests of Serbia in Bosnia and Herzegovina. There are allied relations between the Russian Federation and Serbia, which include mutual protection, meaning even the political and diplomatic one. For Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina is the main political goal today. There are two key reasons for Russia’s current strong diplomatic position in the world. First, it is directly militarily engaged in the global war against terrorism. Second, it possesses vast natural resources, natural fuels, oil and gas. NATO had bombed Serbia before the war against terrorism. Then the RF was on the opposite side to the West. This text presents more than twenty undisputable facts of RF policies that hinder the process of integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its joining the Atlantic and European integrations.
KRIVIČNO DJELO AGRESIJE – TEORIJA I PRAKSA MEĐUNARODNOG I NACIONALNOG KRIVIČNOG PRAVA
KRIVIČNO DJELO AGRESIJE – TEORIJA I PRAKSA MEĐUNARODNOG I NACIONALNOG KRIVIČNOG PRAVA
(CRIME OF AGGRESSION – THEORY AND PRACTICE OF INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW)
- Author(s):Miodrag N. Simović
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Criminal Law, International Law, Law and Transitional Justice, Peace and Conflict Studies, Comparative Law
- Page Range:67-78
- No. of Pages:12
- Keywords:international criminal law; crime; aggression; national criminal law; responsibility;
- Summary/Abstract:International criminal law, as a system of legal provisions contained in the regulations of the international community, but also in the national (internal) criminal legislation of individual countries, imposes criminal responsibility and punishment for the growing number of international crimes, among which stands out the crime of aggression. It is an act in violation of laws and customs of war (international humanitarian law) and violates the peace among nations and security of mankind. Primary jurisdiction over perpetrators of this criminal offense in certain cases lies with the international court (transnational) body. This paper analyses the concept and the basic characteristics of the crime of aggression, from both the theoretical and the practical aspect of the international and national criminal law of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Croatia.
FUNKCIJE MODERNOG USTAVA: PRIMER DEJTONSKOG USTAVA
FUNKCIJE MODERNOG USTAVA: PRIMER DEJTONSKOG USTAVA
(LIMITATIONS OF THE DEMOCRATIC POTENTIAL OF THE POLITICAL REGIME OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA)
- Author(s):Vladan Petrov, Darko Simović
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Constitutional Law, Government/Political systems, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Inter-Ethnic Relations, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:79-98
- No. of Pages:20
- Keywords:political system; political institutions; constitution; Bosnia and Herzegovina; political parties;
- Summary/Abstract:In this work, the author will deal with the nature of the political regime of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Attention will be given to institutional arrangements and their evolution in post-Dayton period, in order to answer the following questions: 1) what is the nature of the political regime; 2) what conditions it; 3) where can we see the limitations of the democratic potential of the political regime, and how to overcome these limitations. The work will be based on the following hypotheses. First, Bosnia and Herzegovina is defined as a democratic country by its constitution, but the model of democracy is based on the competitive-elitist democracy, in the form of consociation, which does not create the opportunities for effective participation of citizens in decision-making processes. Democracy, based on the struggle of national political elites, remains strictly indirect and political. Other spheres of life, such as the economy, are not democratized in the least. The author will analyze the possibility of enriching democracy in the political sphere (direct democracy). The second hypothesis will concern the institutional system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is structured so that the political institutions serve as a place of negotiation of the national political elites. While such nature of political institutions is largely conditioned by the nature of society and the historical and political circumstances at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, there was a partial evolution of the institutional system since 2000, although its nature is essentially not changed. The merger of national and civil in the functioning of the political institutions has not been achieved, although this would be the optimal solution.
AFIRMACIJA LJUDSKIH PRAVA KAO POLAZIŠTE ZA REDEFINISANJE POLITIČKOG I DRŽAVNOPRAVNOG KONCEPTA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
AFIRMACIJA LJUDSKIH PRAVA KAO POLAZIŠTE ZA REDEFINISANJE POLITIČKOG I DRŽAVNOPRAVNOG KONCEPTA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
(AFFIRMATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AS THE STARTING POINT TO REDEFINE POLITICAL AND LEGAL CONCEPT OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA)
- Author(s):Mirjana Nadaždin Defterdarević
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Constitutional Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Civil Society, Government/Political systems, Politics and society
- Page Range:99-106
- No. of Pages:8
- Keywords:constitution; human rights; constituent peoples; self-determination; differentiated citizenship;
- Summary/Abstract:This paper deals with the issue of organizational principle of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina – which currently rests on the concept of the three constituent peoples – questioning its relationship with the principles of equality and non-discrimination, which have been proclaimed both in the state and entity constitutions. The conclusion that follows confirms the thesis that a divided society, in which the ethno-cultural divides are politically most important, underlying the political fragmentation of society, is an environment in which the value of these guaranteed principles cannot be realized. By analysing the content and through teleological method, research particularly focuses on the aspect of human rights where, through the application of the criteria of ethnicity, we can clearly see their discriminatory effects. This paper seeks the answer to the question of what is the most reliable basis on which the state and society of Bosnia and Herzegovina should develop. The author finds that for this purpose the most suitable is the affirmation of the principle of “differentiated citizenship”, which allows the self-determination of each individual, thus giving them the possibility of freedom that they will use in the way that suits them the best. In this way, the current differentiation in human rights – according to the criterion of ethnicity – would lose its objective and reasonable justification.
OSNOVE PRIVREDNOG SISTEMA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE I POTREBNE PROMJENE
OSNOVE PRIVREDNOG SISTEMA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE I POTREBNE PROMJENE
(BASICS OF THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND NECESSARY CHANGES)
- Author(s):Aleksa Milojević
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):National Economy, Economic history, Economic policy, Financial Markets
- Page Range:109-116
- No. of Pages:8
- Keywords:economic system; property; regulated market; free market; monetary competencies;
- Summary/Abstract:The overall problem of the economic system in Bosnia and Herzegovina lies in its faulty and outdated foundations. Property is outdated, and the free market and the currency board are wrong foundations. Mass shareholding ownership of workers and citizens is the highest level in the development of private property. It is an ownership basis on which grow large, primarily industrial enterprises, which are the only reliable guarantee for development success. In contrast, in Bosnia and Herzegovina there is dominance of the supporting individual private property, which is historically overcome, and which ends in small businesses as an expression of their economic irrationality. Instead of rationality of a regulated market, which is so assuredly reflected in the overall economic history of the developed countries, in our country we have the harmful free market. By managing the money supply, a Central Bank significantly contributes to the stabilization and performance of the economy. We have no Central Bank with monetary competencies, which is the basis of expressed instability that threatens with economic collapse. Especially due to the high currency overvaluation.
KAKO IZ ZAMKE SREDNJEG DOHOTKA – VITALAN RACIONALNI INTERES BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKOG DRUŠTVA
KAKO IZ ZAMKE SREDNJEG DOHOTKA – VITALAN RACIONALNI INTERES BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKOG DRUŠTVA
(HOW TO PULL OUT FROM THE TRAP OF MEDIUM INCOME – A VITAL RATIONAL INTEREST OF BIH SOCIETY)
- Author(s):Vjekoslav Domljan
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):National Economy, Labor relations, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Socio-Economic Research
- Page Range:117-125
- No. of Pages:9
- Keywords:knowledge; city-regions; reindustrialization; value chains;
- Summary/Abstract:After 20 post-war years, Bosnia and Herzegovina is in the “medium income trap”. It does not want to go toward the low-income countries, as employees and citizens will not accept low wages and low living standards. At the same time, employees do not have the knowledge to produce sophisticated products, and yet only these provide high income and high salaries. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a place of bad living (dystopia). This is because there is no vision, no strategy, and no development policy. The vision should be: high income country by 2035. The strategy should be to raise the economy to the path of growth of at least 7% per year. This paper explains why it is difficult to transform the existing circulus vitiosus of BiH economy and society into a circulus virtuosis. It argues that there are no essential agents of change that are able to raise the question of vital rational interest. Vital rational interest requires the emergence of statesmen who would put knowledge, education, innovation and entrepreneurship on the agenda of politics, as key elements of reform – policy ingredients without which it is not possible to achieve high employment.
STRANE DIREKTNE INVESTICIJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI: OD ZABLUDA NEOLIBERALIZMA DO POKRETAČA EKONOMSKOG RASTA
STRANE DIREKTNE INVESTICIJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI: OD ZABLUDA NEOLIBERALIZMA DO POKRETAČA EKONOMSKOG RASTA
(FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENTS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: FROM THE DELUSIONS OF NEOLIBERALISM TO DRIVERS OF ECONOMIC GROWTH)
- Author(s):Anto Domazet
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):National Economy, Economic history, Economic policy, Economic development, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today)
- Page Range:126-145
- No. of Pages:20
- Keywords:foreign direct investment (FDI); neoliberalism; Bosnia and Herzegovina; promotion of FDI; privatization and restructuring;
- Summary/Abstract:The research problem treated in this paper refers to inadequate scale and unfavourable structure of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially since the emergence of the global financial crisis. The aim of this work is to point out the errors and limitations of the neoliberal concept in transition of the country, reflected in the belief that the liberalization of the economy will fuel the wave of FDI that will ensure economic growth and development, employment, investment, exports and the restructuring of state-owned enterprises and generating new business. FDI in BiH have contributed to the restructuring of some large state-owned enterprises, the emergence of new enterprises and employment growth, and have contributed to improvement of the international investment position of BiH, but these results are far below expectations and below the potential level of FDI in BiH. Based on the analysis of secondary sources from the fields of FDI and analysis of the theoretical framework of FDI, new approaches are suggested in the implementation of policies to promote FDI in BiH covering three key areas. The first area relates to the improvement of the business environment to attract foreign investors, in which national framework plays an important part, as well as the industrial framework and the profile of potential investors. The second area relates to the building of institutions that carry out the process of promotion, and the third area covers promotional activities, including the post-investment services for investors. The contribution of work is reflected in the critical observation of existing policies and their impacts, and recommendations for effective policies for FDI promotion, which take into account the theoretical essence of FDI, advanced international practice in the area of FDI and the specificities of the decentralized constitutional structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which indicates the need for an integrated approach of the state, entities, cantons and local communities (cities and municipalities) in the promotion of FDI.
EKONOMSKO-FISKALNA OBILJEŽJA DRŽAVE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE: STANJE I PERSPEKTIVE
EKONOMSKO-FISKALNA OBILJEŽJA DRŽAVE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE: STANJE I PERSPEKTIVE
(ECONOMIC-FISCAL MARKINGS OF THE STATE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: SITUATION AND PERSPECTIVES)
- Author(s):Kadrija Hodžić, Željko Rička
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Constitutional Law, Economic policy, Government/Political systems, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Inter-Ethnic Relations, Fiscal Politics / Budgeting, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:146-164
- No. of Pages:19
- Keywords:Dayton Agreement; fiscal federalism; fiscal sustainability; fiscal confederalism;
- Summary/Abstract:In this article, the authors give arguments to develop the thesis that the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina ignores the government’s financial sovereignty, and conclude that Bosnia and Herzegovina is fiscally sovereign as much as a confederation. In the centre of economic and political-legal debate on the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina are different approaches to the allocation of responsibilities between the state and its entities, and approaches to organization of government. In this discussion, the dominant question is whether Bosnia and Herzegovina can be considered a federation or a confederation. In the disagreement of national and political elites, the dominant conflict is based on ethno-national notions of ethnic homogeneity and national sovereignty over “own territories”. The solution for the sustainability of Bosnia and Herzegovina in this article is observed through two conceptual levels. In the first, the involvement of the international community, especially the European Union, in designing the changes of Dayton Agreement seems inevitable. According to the second, Bosnia and Herzegovina will have to reconcile the current irreconcilable differences of its national political elites on its own. In both cases, the minimum acceptable framework for all legal solutions should include the establishment of mechanisms for fiscal sustainability of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including economic-fiscal coordination between the entities and the Brcko District, protection of equal individual and collective rights, equality of the constituent peoples in the entire territory of the country, including minority rights, and the adoption and implementation of international treaties and conventions on human rights.
OCJENA EFIKASNOSTI TERITORIJALNE ORGANIZACIJE PRIJE I POSLIJE DEJTONA
OCJENA EFIKASNOSTI TERITORIJALNE ORGANIZACIJE PRIJE I POSLIJE DEJTONA
(ASSESSMENT OF EFFICIENCY OF TERRITORIAL ORGANIZATION BEFORE AND AFTER DAYTON)
- Author(s):Jasmina Osmanković, Muamer Halilbašić, Marijana Galić, Jasmin Hošo
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Economic history, Government/Political systems, Methodology and research technology, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Geopolitics, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:165-174
- No. of Pages:10
- Keywords:territorial organizations; DEA analysis; CCR model; BCC model;
- Summary/Abstract:The authors respect the view that the agreement has brought peace, but there is room for questioning its effects on the economy, development and prosperity. At the same time they respect the view that peace is a necessary, but not sufficient condition for development. And third, it is unquestionable that without peace there is no prosperity. Thus, the territorial organization is important, development is more important, but peace is the most important. This is the context in which the results of application of these mathematical models should be viewed. This paper compares the efficiency of the model of territorial organization in 1990, or in pre-Dayton period, and efficiency of the territorial organization in the post-Dayton period, measured by applying DEA mathematical model, or CCR and BCC models. The model was applied to the basic territorial units of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, one of the two entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main contribution is in the application of models and reducing the subjective influence in conclusions about the territorial organization which is determined by the Peace Agreement in Dayton. The paper uses the results of previous studies of the author. Secondary sources were also used, taken from the statistical yearbooks of the Institute for Statistics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, or rather the Institute for Statistics of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Federal Institute for Programming. This paper, along with abstract and key words, includes an introduction, a review of previous studies, methodology, results, conclusion and bibliography.
NEKE PRETPOSTAVKE ZA BRISELSKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU
NEKE PRETPOSTAVKE ZA BRISELSKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU
(SOME ASSUMPTIONS FOR BRUSSELS’ BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA)
- Author(s):Omer Ibrahimagić
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Constitutional Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment, EU-Legislation, Peace and Conflict Studies, Comparative Law
- Page Range:177-184
- No. of Pages:8
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; Dayton Agreement; ethnocracy; antitocracy; democracy; pre-election party coalitions; harmonization of Constitution of BiH with the European convention on human rights;
- Summary/Abstract:This paper discusses the process of accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the European Union and the Euro-Atlantic security system at a time when Bosnia and Herzegovina’s state structure is regulated under the Dayton Agreement, according to which the main pillar of the political order is the rule of three ethnic groups instead of citizens, which therefore instead of democracy introduced the rule of ethnocracy. The consequence is that even 20 years after Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina is still not a functional state, because the entities created by ethnicity (Serbs in the Republika Srpska, Bosniaks and Croats in the Federation of BiH) have become self-sufficient (entitocracy) and disinterested in the creation of a single state policy. Therefore, BiH has no strategy of socio-economic development and lags behind in meeting the requirements for joining the European Union, for which two-thirds majority of its citizens have voted. This paper offers proposals whose adoption would achieve at least some assumptions to accelerate the process of transition of Bosnia and Herzegovina from Dayton (chained with ethnicities and entities) into Brussels (dynamic-civil) phase of its EU accession.
MULTIKULTURALIZMOM PROTIV PLURALIZMA – SLUČAJ DEJTONSKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
MULTIKULTURALIZMOM PROTIV PLURALIZMA – SLUČAJ DEJTONSKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
(MULTICULTURALISM VERSUS PLURALISM – CASE OF THE DAYTON BIH)
- Author(s):Asim Mujkić
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Constitutional Law, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Inter-Ethnic Relations, Politics and Identity
- Page Range:185-192
- No. of Pages:8
- Keywords:multiculturalism; ethno-nationalism; hegemony;
- Summary/Abstract:The result of the process of Europeanization of the Balkans is a continuous loss of plurality of life forms, which flowed with the emergence of monoethnic nation states. Entering the modernity in the Balkans – in late nineteenth and early twentieth century – meant the resolution of social plurality. This process, when it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had no unequivocal ethnic host, has taken the form of constitutionally and politically imposed multiculturalism or constitutional multiculturalism, which is nothing more than an incubator for future mono-ethnic nation-states. In its fullest sense, apart from one state and a central nation, ethno-nationalism also requires its own, unique culture. In this sense, Gellner concludes that “under certain circumstances the implementation of these political formulas must include the exchange of population or expulsion, and more or less forced assimilation, and sometimes even liquidation, in order to achieve the close connection between the state and the culture that is the essence of nationalism.” The revolutionary national-statehood reconstruction of the plural Bosnian-Herzegovinian social and political community followed the form of a nation-state, as an inseparable part of the wave of democratization that had swept the eastern part of Europe. In considering alternatives to overcome this situation, the author suggests that the abolition of the ethno-political mechanism does not mean the abolition of the nation and its identity, it does not mean “the destruction of differences as such as the equalization of all. Conversely, it initiates the release and proliferation of differences – differences that do not create social hierarchies”. This is therefore a critique of the unjust socio-political hierarchy, a kind of political hegemony, and is not about the fight for the abolition of any kind of diversity, including ethnic. The aim is to abolish laws, socio-political structures that maintain hegemonic privileges, and the hierarchy topped by a class of ethno-political entrepreneurs. The author argues that the abolition of ethno-political mechanisms means the abolishment of the conditions that keep the citizens and peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina in servitude.
POLITIČKI PLURALIZAM I PARLAMENTARNA DEMOKRATIJA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI U POSTDEJTONSKOM VREMENU
POLITIČKI PLURALIZAM I PARLAMENTARNA DEMOKRATIJA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI U POSTDEJTONSKOM VREMENU
(POLITICAL PLURALISM AND PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN POST-DAYTON TIME)
- Author(s):Mirko Pejanović
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:193-210
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:political pluralism; parliamentary democracy; coalition agreement; partitocracy; High Representative of the international community (OHR);
- Summary/Abstract:This paper elaborates the genesis of the establishment and development of political pluralism in Bosnia and Herzegovina starting from the hypothesis that the power of the ruling ethnic parties did not allow the building of consensus in the adoption of laws necessary for the development of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the post-Dayton period. Three ethnic parties: SDA, HDZ and SDS, after winning the first multiparty elections in 1990, based the exercise of authority by the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s on the principle of partnership, and not on the democratic principle of establishing a coalition political agenda for the exercise of power in the won mandate. The partnership between the parties in government took place on matters where there was mutual consent. In the first post-war elections, held in September 1996, the same three ethnic parties won again: SDA, HDZ BiH and SDS, with 86% of votes of the electorate. Ethnic parties thus again after the war gained the dominant power in the entity parliaments and the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to which the constitutional structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina defined in Dayton also contributed. In Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina they applied this power in the form of partnership in government. What lacked was the determination of the coalition agreement and the political program of the coalition as the indispensable basis for consensus in the adoption of laws. As a result, in the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina there was no consensus between the ruling parties on the most important issues for the development of the state of BiH. It was not possible to strengthen the power of the Parliament and to develop parliamentary democracy. Laws promulgated by the OHR enabled major reforms in the process of integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the European Union. Instead of the power of the Parliament, we see the power of party elites. Instead of parliamentary democracy, we see partitocracy.
DEJTON I GRAĐANSKO DRUŠTVO U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI
DEJTON I GRAĐANSKO DRUŠTVO U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI
(DAYTON AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA)
- Author(s):Žarko Papić
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Civil Society, Government/Political systems, Politics and society, Culture and social structure , Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Socio-Economic Research, Politics and Identity
- Page Range:211-218
- No. of Pages:8
- Keywords:civil society; middle class; political parties; NGO;
- Summary/Abstract:Civil society and its consciousness must have their economic and social basis. There must be what is called “the middle class”. There is no middle class in Bosnia and Herzegovina, society is socially divided between the narrow circle of the tycoon-political oligarchy and the vast majority of impoverished people, without jobs and living at minimum of existence. Inequalities – financial and social – in Bosnia and Herzegovina are vast, and the factor that enlarges them is the present discrimination (territorial, status, marginalized groups, etc.). The absence of the middle class is one of the reasons for the lack of democracy in our country. These are not economic and social conditions that allow the development of civil society. This on the other hand are the conditions for ideological and political manipulation of national or civic identity. For important, positive changes in BiH, development of civil society is an important prerequisite, especially the awareness that government serves the citizens, and not that they “need” the government just to maintain. The best way to achieve this is to learn the lessons, change the approach, first of all through support to policies to strengthen the real private sector and the permeation of civil and national identity. This is a good recipe against nationalism and “production” of national conflicts. Regardless of – in principle – good intentions, support to the development of civil society by international organizations gave very weak results. This “glass is nearly empty.” One of the main reasons are focusing on non-governmental organizations, with the neglect of other important “sectors” of civil society – unions, religious communities, academia, etc. It seems that these have been left to the party influences and manipulations.
DEMOGRAFSKO-STRUKTURNE PROMJENE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI NAKON DEJTONSKOG MIROVNOG SPORAZUMA
DEMOGRAFSKO-STRUKTURNE PROMJENE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI NAKON DEJTONSKOG MIROVNOG SPORAZUMA
(DEMOGRAPHIC-STRUCTURAL CHANGES IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AFTER THE DAYTON PEACE AGREEMENT)
- Author(s):Jusuf Žiga
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Demography and human biology, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:219-228
- No. of Pages:10
- Keywords:demographic-structural changes; BiH; Dayton Agreement;
- Summary/Abstract:Although the Dayton Peace Agreement respects the ethnic, religious and cultural multilateralism of Bosnian-Herzegovinian society, in relation to the pre-war period, this multilateralism has undergone radical changes. In addition to the suffering of many people during the war and the massive forced displacement of population both to other countries, and within Bosnia and Herzegovina, negative demographic-structural trends have continued in the post-war period. There was a drastic fall in the birth rate, an increase in mortality and the average age of the local populace, emigration of young people of fertile age continued, as well as the emptying of rural areas, and the uncontrolled influx of population to urban centres that cannot provide the appropriate conditions for life. There was a deterioration of the earlier (pre-war) ethnological diversity of the society that characterized it throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, and which, as a civilizational treasure, developed in this area over centuries. There was a territorial re-constitution of this country, whereby natural traits of the regions and subregions were disregarded, ie. geosystems, especially in terms of the entity demarcation, and in some cantons in the Federation of BiH. There was rather insistence on conquering and “appropriation” of certain territories only for one of the peoples that live in this country.
NESPOJIVOST DAYTONSKIH HIPOTEKA I DRUŠTVA EVROPSKIH NARODA KAO CILJA
NESPOJIVOST DAYTONSKIH HIPOTEKA I DRUŠTVA EVROPSKIH NARODA KAO CILJA
(INCOMPATIBILITY OF THE DAYTON MORTGAGES AND THE SOCIETY OF EUROPEAN NATIONS AS A GOAL)
- Author(s):Slavo Kukić
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):Constitutional Law, Government/Political systems, Politics and society, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Migration Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:231-247
- No. of Pages:17
- Keywords:Dayton Agreement; Constitution of BiH; systematic reforms; political class; world centres of power;
- Summary/Abstract:The Dayton Peace Agreement ended the war, ended human casualties and material destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina. But everything else about it, including the documents adopted based on it, is a great burden for Bosnia and Herzegovina as a European society and a European country. Among these, usually the most prominent is Annex 4, the Constitution of BiH, reasons for which are more than obvious. Solutions in this Annex, in fact, today are the basis for the continuation of politic – or policies – that brought the war in the first place. Burden to European changes, however, does not lie only in Annex 4, but also in parts of the others, because they did not anticipate the instruments that would ensure their implementation in real life. Therefore, the most serious question arises: where and how to proceed? Future of BiH in fact faces – and is offered – two scenarios. One is the defence and the elevation to the status of a cult of the existing Dayton solutions – and this scenario is, without a doubt, a guarantee to the continuity of the processes that characterize Bosnia and Herzegovina for the last decade. The second is a review of the Dayton solutions and their upgrade with those that can ensure the process of European transformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, both as a society and as a country. Forms of upgrades and interventions in existing solutions can be varied, but all have in common the existence of a broad social consensus on the need, and the direction of interventions, or, if the same is not present, the pressure of the world centres of power that would result in this type of urgent system solutions.
GEOPOLITIČKO KODIRANJE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U OBRAZOVNOM SISTEMU
GEOPOLITIČKO KODIRANJE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U OBRAZOVNOM SISTEMU
(GEOPOLITICAL CODING OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM)
- Author(s):Sead Turčalo
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):State/Government and Education, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Geopolitics, Peace and Conflict Studies, Pedagogy
- Page Range:248-261
- No. of Pages:14
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; education; national group of subjects; geopolitics; geopolitical discourse;
- Summary/Abstract:Post-war state-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina was largely encouraged and framed through the actions of the international community. One of the segments of this process in which the international actors took the coordinating, but not a proactive role, was education. By reducing its activities to coordination, it ignored the obstructive potential which an ethnically segmented school system can have on the state-building process. This has created the ground for the formation of students as subjects that will perpetuate the geopolitical visions of Bosnia and Herzegovina which the ethno-political establishment exploits to the end of ethno-mobilization. In this article, through our own and existing analyses of textbooks from the so-called national group of subjects, we intend to show patterns of forming students as real geopolitical subjects. Through a system of education structured in this way, structural violence against the Other became the norm within which imaginative geographies and narratives of the country were developed according to the dominant view of the majority.
FIGURE DAYTONA: POJAM, SADRŽAJ I OBLICI DJELOVANJA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI
FIGURE DAYTONA: POJAM, SADRŽAJ I OBLICI DJELOVANJA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI
(FIGURES OF DAYTON: CONCEPT, CONTENT AND FORMS OF ACTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA)
- Author(s):Nerzuk Ćurak
- Language:Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
- Subject(s):International relations/trade, Political behavior, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:262-272
- No. of Pages:11
- Keywords:international community; models of action of international community; United States of America; realism; constructivism;
- Summary/Abstract:United States of America have imposed on Bosnia and Herzegovina a legal-political construct which is beyond its centuries-old history. It is not predominantly the result of an ethical imperative to stop the violence in the belly of Europe, but the spirit of pragmatism that, “insisting on design, not to make sense, insists on the creation instead of evolution” because “the desire of providing a safe haven is the main cause of defects in the old systems.” Pragmatism interpolates the political doctrine based on “lack of history” without much concern into the area of “surplus of history”. This, the United States as a striking example of the culture with a “lack of history”, imposed on Bosnia and Herzegovina, as an important cultural area with a “surplus of history”, a peace agreement without internal Bosnian-Herzegovinian historical sense, asking all relevant parties in the Bosnian political game to accept the meeting of a history (the new Bosnia and Herzegovina made of entities) and history (unambiguous evidence of the legal-statehood existence of Bosnia and Herzegovina through time) in a possible contact point (which, in order to be plausible, was set in the plane of a history), which would, supposedly, enable BiH to survive as a political subjectivity. Such an approach, according to the pragmatic postulate that “recognizes as truth that which is practically useful,” should not surprise us, and we should treat it as intentionally anti-Bosnian, or intentionally pro-Bosnian. It is simply an imperial approach that has been transformed into a multilateral approach through the work of one particular geo-political figure – the international community. Is the international community in Dayton-made Bosnia and Herzegovina an acceptable linguistic construct that conceals the domination of the United States, or has the international community as an operational instrument of international policy relativized and degraded the key influence of the United States in a country which, from the standpoint of security management, is one of the biggest foreign policy successes of the US administration at the end of the twentieth century?
