Dr. Franjo Tuđman u okviru hrvatske historiografije. Zbornik radova sa znanstvenog skupa održanoga u Hrvatskom institutu za povijest u Zagrebu 10. i 11. prosinca 2009
Franjo Tuđman, Ph.D. in Croatian Historiography. Collected papers from the Conference held in Croatian Institute of History in Zagreb on 10th and 11th December 2009
Contributor(s): Vijoleta Herman Kaurić (Editor)
Subject(s): Christian Theology and Religion, History of Church(es), Diplomatic history, Military history, Political history, Labor relations, Government/Political systems, Security and defense, Military policy, Political behavior, Politics and religion, Studies in violence and power, Nationalism Studies, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Post-War period (1950 - 1989), History of Communism, Inter-Ethnic Relations, Geopolitics, Politics of History/Memory, Politics and Identity
Published by: Hrvatski institut za povijest
Keywords: Franjo Tuđman; Croatian Historiography;
Summary/Abstract: On the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the death of Dr. Franjo Tuđman, the first director of the Institute for the History of the Workers' Movement of Croatia and the first president of the independent, contemporary and democratic Republic of Croatia, the Croatian Institute of History organized a scientific conference on December 10 and 11, 2009. Dr. Franjo Tuđman in Croatian Historiography. Although Dr. F. Tuđman is better known and more interesting to the general public as a politician and statesman, and although his work as a historian and politician is difficult to separate, the organizers of the scientific conference focused on the work of Dr. F. Tuđman as a historian, wanting scientists, primarily historians and political scientists, from scientific novices to academics, sine ira et studio, through selected topics to approach a comprehensive questioning of the significance and influence of Dr. F. Tuđman on the historiography of modern Croatian history.
- Print-ISBN-13: 978-953-6324-99-6
- Page Count: 581
- Publication Year: 2011
- Language: Croatian
FRANJO TUĐMAN I ORGANIZACIJA RADA U INSTITUTU ZA HISTORIJU RADNIČKOG POKRETA HRVATSKE OD 1961. DO 1967.
FRANJO TUĐMAN I ORGANIZACIJA RADA U INSTITUTU ZA HISTORIJU RADNIČKOG POKRETA HRVATSKE OD 1961. DO 1967.
(FRANJO TUĐMAN AND THE ORGANIZATION OF ACTIVITIES AT THE INSTITUTE FOR THE HISTORY OF THE WORKERS’ MOVEMENT OF CROATIA 1961-1967)
- Author(s):Mira Kolar-Dimitrijević
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Labor relations, Government/Political systems, Higher Education , History of Education, Post-War period (1950 - 1989), History of Communism
- Page Range:9-40
- No. of Pages:32
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement of Croatia in Zagreb;
- Summary/Abstract:The Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement of Croatia was established on September 25, 1961 by a decision of the Executive Committee of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia and the Executive Committee of the Main Board of the Socialist League of the People’s Republic of Croatia with the principal task of studying the history of the workers’ movement in Croatia and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, the history of the people’s liberation war, and the socialist revolution. The task had not been officially changed for the entire time Tuđman served as the Institute’s director (1961-1967), but the Institute’s research was nevertheless expanded to economic, cultural, and educational subjects. Tuđman, however, lacked experienced staff, and his methodology of setting a goal first and then proving it later was not the best of choices. Excessive recruitment transformed the Institute into the most expensive scientific institution in Croatia. Attempting to justify the existence of this young institution, Tuđman decided to make the Institute publicly active, which proved detrimental to its future. The Institute was blacklisted and its results belittled or attacked. Tuđman was forced to leave the Institute, and his successors cut down the number of Institute’s associates from 126 to only about fifty. Tuđman’s activity at the Institute is a self-contained unit with its beginning, its development, and its end. A troubled end followed the initial good idea and the brilliant beginning, and it altered Tuđman and all of his co-workers, but also had a considerable impact on the historiography of modern Croatian history, which only sprung to life again after the arrival of new people who had no memory of the Institute from Tuđman’s era. Tuđman had a vision of the Institute’s task, but objective causes prevented him from putting his vision in effect. Still, he helped raise the historical awareness of everyone who researched history, politics, culture, economy, literature, and other aspects of life. 1971 and everything that happened afterwards was thus more or less marked by traces of Tuđman’s efforts.
- Price: 4.90 €
DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN IZMEĐU POLITIKE I POVIJESTI: POVIJESNA PREDODŽBA O HRVATSTVU I JUGOSLAVENSTVU, SLAVENSTVU I INTERNACIONALIZMU
DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN IZMEĐU POLITIKE I POVIJESTI: POVIJESNA PREDODŽBA O HRVATSTVU I JUGOSLAVENSTVU, SLAVENSTVU I INTERNACIONALIZMU
(FRANJO TUĐMAN BETWEEN POLITICS AND HISTORY: HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE CROATIAN AND YUGOSLAV IDEA, PAN-SLAVISM AND INTERNATIONALISM)
- Author(s):Nikša Stančić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), Government/Political systems, Methodology and research technology, 19th Century, Politics of History/Memory, Politics and Identity
- Page Range:41-58
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; Croatian idea; ideas of unity of Southern Slavs; pan-Slavism; Croatia; Yugoslavia; Europe;
- Summary/Abstract:Croatian history and the changes of Croatia’s political position in the tides of European history, in particular in the 19th and 20th centuries, were in the focus of Franjo Tuđman’s historical research, wherein he paid special attention to political ideas and programs in the period that had shaped the identity of the modern Croatian nation and the program of its political independence, the period in which different variants of pan-Slavism and the ideas about Southern Slavic/ Illyric/ Yugoslav unity had played an important role in the formation of political programs and their implementation both in Croatia’s political forces and the political forces in Croatia’s immediate environment. He noted the continuity of Croatia’s struggles for a higher level of independence in multinational states, first in the Habsburg Monarchy, and later in Yugoslavia, and felt that the different variants of pan-Slavism and idea about Southern Slavic unity in Croatian politics had emerged from the political position of the Croatian territories in individual periods or from political situations (political dividedness and exposure to denationalization attempts in the Habsburg Monarchy, danger of the Croatian territory being divided at the time of World War I, and so on). On the other hand, Tuđman observed how these ideas were used for imperial purposes, for instance, how pan-Slavism was used in the service of Russian imperial politics, and how the idea about the unity of Southern Slavs was used to implement the program of Great-Serbian hegemony. He tracked the continuity of the existence and the political implementation of different forms of pan-Slavism and South-Slavic ideas to the time when he wrote his research papers, mostly the 1960s, a period in which Croatia was a part of the Social Federalist Republic of Yugoslavia, and the world was in the middle of the Cold War between two social, political, and military blocks. Tuđman felt that both the Universalist idea about world integration on the foundations of modern technological accomplishments, advocated by «Western democracies», and the Soviet insistence on socialist internationalism and limited sovereignty of the socialist countries were manifestations of imperial goals at the expense of small and dependent nations. He contrasted these two ideas with the activities of the Nonaligned Movement and the idea about coexistence in a world divided into blocks, the activities of the United Nations, the process of colonial territories establishing their national independence, and the headway of the idea about a united Europe, which he felt to be Europe’s way of distancing itself from both the United States and the USSR.
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POVJESNIČARI KOJI PRORIČU UNATRAG I POVJESNIČARI KOJI PIŠU BUDUĆU POVIJEST
POVJESNIČARI KOJI PRORIČU UNATRAG I POVJESNIČARI KOJI PIŠU BUDUĆU POVIJEST
(HISTORIANS WHO FORETELL BACKWARDS AND HISTORIANS WHO WRITE FUTURE HISTORY)
- Author(s):Miroslav Tuđman
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Methodology and research technology, Historical revisionism
- Page Range:59-77
- No. of Pages:19
- Keywords:historical knowledge; historical science; historians; political paradigm; end of history; revisionists; Croatia; nation; international order;
- Summary/Abstract:The answer to the question about the perception of the nature and the role of historical knowledge and historical science explains how historian Franjo Tuđman, previously in complete isolation, was able to take the helm of his party and his country in a matter of one year (1989/1990) and to attain the goal that generations before him had striven to, but never managed to achieve. The answer to this question also shows how important the knowledge of history had been for the establishment of the independent Croatian state and for the running of state politics, and which knowledge specifically had played the vital role. The paper analyzes the patterns according to which public and historical knowledge is organized and formed. The crucial aspect for the functioning of the dominant political paradigm that shapes the public knowledge is that it will not admit to the existence and functioning of anomalies and irregularities, nor will it discuss them. If the political elite in power were capable of dealing with the anomalies it produced and the irregularities it was faced with, they would discuss the essence of the problem. However, unwilling to discuss the essence of the problem, the dominant dogma attempts to eliminate its opponents, the so-called «revisionists», from the public life using a variety of methods and techniques of propaganda and information war, as well as criminal persecution and physical elimination. An analysis of the political elements of «sloppy science» and the political fates of the «revisionists» and their writings yields two completely opposite approaches to the research of historical events and two opposite understandings of the purpose of historical research and the task of historical knowledge. These differences in the methodology of historical research change not only the subject of the research, but also the nature of historical knowledge. The historians who look into the past while anchored firmly in the present see the past, the present, and the future as the only possible, logical, and regular sequence of events. They normally define history as a sequence of events that hardly could have resulted in a different outcome. The protagonists of these events who had not managed to fulfill their potentials are seen as irrelevant persons with subordinate roles in history.
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FRANJO TUĐMAN I SAMOODREĐENJE NARODA
FRANJO TUĐMAN I SAMOODREĐENJE NARODA
(FRANJO TUĐMAN AND THE SELF-DETERMINATION OF PEOPLES)
- Author(s):Albert Bing
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Post-War period (1950 - 1989), Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), History of Communism, Politics of History/Memory
- Page Range:79-87
- No. of Pages:9
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; self-determination of peoples; disintegration of Yugoslavia; establishment of Croatian state;
- Summary/Abstract:Franjo Tuđman, the first president of the Croatian independent state, was the central figure of Croatian politics in the 1990s. His personal views on politics and his intellectual preoccupations, characterized by strong influences of historicism (as defined by K. Popper), had the decisive influence on all important aspects of Croatian politics and social life in the period of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the constitution of the Croatian state. In this historical context, the process of Croatia’s positioning in the international community was closely tied with the problem of articulating the legitimacy and legality of Croatian demands for national independence. The problem of self-determination of peoples surfaced in the argumentation of Croatia’s position and the position of other successors of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. As it had been the case at the time of Yugoslavia’s establishment, the self-determination of peoples became the subject of political, legal, historical, and other debates in which different understandings and interpretations of this principle surfaced. This article considers and analyzes individual aspects of Tuđman’s views and of his political articulation of the idea about the self-determination of peoples in this context. The article is a part of a broader study that discusses the self-determination of peoples in the context of the establishment and disintegration of the Yugoslav state.
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PRVI SVJETSKI RAT U DJELU DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA
PRVI SVJETSKI RAT U DJELU DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA
(WORLD WAR I IN FRANJO TUĐMAN’S WRITINGS)
- Author(s):Stjepan Matković
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Military history, Political history, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Politics of History/Memory, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:89-101
- No. of Pages:13
- Keywords:World War I; Austro-Hungary; Croatia; national question;
- Summary/Abstract:Franjo Tuđman’s views on World War I and the immediate postwar period constitute a minor, but still important part of his multileveled opus. Tuđman believed this period to have been one of the key turning points in modern European history, with a distinct and complex impact on Croatia’s position. In his opinion, the outcome of the war caused Croatia to lose its historical statehood attributes that had been present to a limited extent in its subdualist position in the Habsburg Monarchy, only to disappear altogether in the monarchist Yugoslavia after 1918. On the other hand, he advocates the real political opinion that the disintegration of Austro-Hungary had been an unavoidable historical moment, since this multiethnic community had failed to find a key to the solution of the burning national question. Still, the outcome of the war, out of which the members of the Entente and their military allies emerged as the victors, was the decisive influence on the collapse of the existing system in Central and South East Europe. His ideas about this area of history, a product of his research into an extensive number of historical sources and literature, were later incorporated into his political practice, which is evident in his striving to establish a pluralism of political parties after he took over Croatia’s helm in the process of Croatia’s abandonment of Yugoslavia.
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«SVJETSKI RAT I HRVATI», DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O PILAROVU PROMIŠLJANJU HRVATSKE POLITIKE U UVJETIMA PRVOGA SVJETSKOG RATA (1915.)
«SVJETSKI RAT I HRVATI», DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O PILAROVU PROMIŠLJANJU HRVATSKE POLITIKE U UVJETIMA PRVOGA SVJETSKOG RATA (1915.)
(«THE WORLD WAR AND CROATS», FRANJO TUĐMAN ABOUT PILAR’S VIEWS ON CROATIAN POLITICS IN THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF WORLD WAR I (1915))
- Author(s):Zlatko Matijević
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Military history, Political history, Croatian Literature, Government/Political systems, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Inter-Ethnic Relations, Geopolitics, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:103-124
- No. of Pages:22
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; Ivo Pilar; World War I; Austro-Hungarian Monarchy; Croats; Kingdom of Italy; Kingdom of Serbia; Russia; Great Britain; Germany; France;
- Summary/Abstract:Ivo Pilar, Ph. D., (1874-1933), attorney-at-law, completed his brochure The World War and the Croats (Svjetski rat i Hrvati) in March 1915. It was published in Zagreb that same year. Knowing that the authorities of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would not be pleased with some of his theses, Pilar published the brochure under the pseudonym Dr. Juričić. The author’s fears of a possible negative reaction to his geopolitical ideas were not ungrounded, since the state’s censor abridged Pilar’s original text thoroughly before he allowed it to be published. The second edition of Pilar’s brochure, containing many sentences that had been censored out of the first edition, most of them pertaining to the Central Forces’ unfaithful ally Italy, was published two years later. In his analysis of the political situation at the beginning of World War I, Pilar concluded that the times were fateful for the Croatian people, since the outcome of the war was going to decide with which country the Croatian territories would side in the long run. Tuđman felt that Pilar’s views were a reflection of the ideas of all the factions in Croatian politics that sought to solve the Croatian national question within the confines of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and within the Central European geopolitical territory. Even though Pilar’s basic hypothesis had proved wrong (he assumed Germany and Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would win World War I), some of his ideas, particularly the ideas about the geopolitical position of Croatian territories and their historical fate, still hold their original value.
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OCJENA HRVATSKO-SRPSKE KOALICIJE I SVETOZAR PRIBIĆEVIĆ U DJELU DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA
OCJENA HRVATSKO-SRPSKE KOALICIJE I SVETOZAR PRIBIĆEVIĆ U DJELU DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA
(THE ASSESSMENT OF THE CROAT-SERB COALITION AND SVETOZAR PRIBIĆEVIĆ IN FRANJO TUĐMAN’S WRITINGS)
- Author(s):Mato Artuković
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Diplomatic history, Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939)
- Page Range:125-143
- No. of Pages:19
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; Croat-Serb Coalition; Svetozar Pribićević; centralist and unitarianist unification of the monarchist Yugoslavia;
- Summary/Abstract:Franjo Tuđman had not addressed the genesis of «New Course» politics and the establishment and the political activities of the Croat-Serb Coalition in his works in more detail. He only addressed these topics to the extent that was necessary to elucidate the fundamental problems of the interwar period he was studying. His assessment of the Croat-Serb Coalition, the final outcome of its politics, and its principal exponents is, however, precise, scientific, and fully acceptable from the modern point of view. The Coalition did bring about certain positive changes, but it did not provide a long-standing underpinning for effective Croatian politics. The Croat-Serb Coalition and its orientation caused Croatian politicians not only to be marginalized in Croatia, but also to lose their political importance in the eyes of Vienna and Pest. Serbian politicians, on the other hand, increased in importance in the efforts to maintain Hungarian hegemony over Croatia, becoming completely dominant in the fateful years before the World War I, as well as during the war. As the underlying thesis that the Coalition rested on, the thesis about Croatian-Serbian unity and about Croats and Serbs as «a single people with two names» not only proved to be a utopia, it also proved to be a very negative and detrimental idea in the long term. This «guiding idea of the Serbs and the Croats», which was later expanded into the idea about «a single people with three names», developed into a proper apple of discord, since it served as the basis for the establishment of the Yugoslav state in 1918, and persisted almost throughout the 20th century in the service of the Great-Serbian idea. Svetozar Pribićević played a particularly important role in the affirmation of this idea, having masterfully taken advantage of all the weaknesses of the coalitional political option to put into effect Pašić’s recommendation «to make sure that Serbian, and not Croatian politics is the relevant factor in the Southern Slavic territory» in his capacity of the head of the Coalition and Serbian agent in Croatia. The negative consequences of Pribićević’s politics, formally resting on the idea about «a single people with two names» or «a single people with three names», had a devastating effect even after his condemnation of his own politics.
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STJEPAN RADIĆ U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA
STJEPAN RADIĆ U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA
(STJEPAN RADIĆ IN FRANJO TUĐMAN’S WRITINGS)
- Author(s):Hrvoje Čapo
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, 19th Century, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), Post-War period (1950 - 1989)
- Page Range:145-164
- No. of Pages:20
- Keywords:Stjepan Radić; Franjo Tuđman; historiography;
- Summary/Abstract:Franjo Tuđman covered Stjepan Radić’s activities in most detail in the context of the history of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and in papers for the most part written in the 1960s. The papers basically approached their topics from the Croatian point of view and reconstructed the repressive system of Serbian centralist and hegemonist rule. It had been a novelty in historiography that introduced some new views on the matters in question, and his approach still holds its value today. Tuđman agreed with certain judgments about Radić that had already been made in historiography, but he also made a considerable headway in the understanding of his personality with his detailed study of Radić’s work. The detachment from the prevalent ideas of the time that saw the Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS) as a party of landlords that had played its most important role in preventing clericalism among the peasantry, and that saw Radić as a naïve and opportunistic politician whose only concern was being in power, was certainly a considerable contribution on Tuđman’s part. Franjo Tuđman was particularly interested in the consistency of Radić’s fight for Croatian sovereignty, which had always rested on the idea about Croatia’s independence. Statehood options in Radić’s mind progressed from federalism to confederalism, depending on different political and historical contexts, but they had always been a part of the context of Slavic solidarity. In addition to their Pan-Slavism, Franjo Tuđman drew attention to two other important features of Radić and his HSS: the idea about a folk enlightenment movement with a broad basis in the peasantry, and the politics of peaceful resistance. Even though he felt some of Radić’s moves had been less than prudent, his overall judgment of Stjepan Radić was positive, mainly due to Radić’s commitment to Croatian sovereignty.
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DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O USTROJSTVU I DJELOVANJU REPRESIVNOG SUSTAVA REŽIMA MONARHISTIČKE JUGOSLAVIJE NA PODRUČJU HRVATSKE (1918.-1941.)
DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O USTROJSTVU I DJELOVANJU REPRESIVNOG SUSTAVA REŽIMA MONARHISTIČKE JUGOSLAVIJE NA PODRUČJU HRVATSKE (1918.-1941.)
(FRANJO TUĐMAN ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION AND THE ACTIVITES OF THE REPRESSIVE SYSTEM OF MONARCHIST YUGOSLAVIA’S REGIME IN CROATIA (1918-1941))
- Author(s):Zdravko Dizdar
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):History of Law, Political history, Government/Political systems, Security and defense, Political behavior, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:165-210
- No. of Pages:46
- Keywords:Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes/ Yugoslavia; Croatia; King Alexander Karađorđević; Stjepan Radić; Vlatko Maček; Franjo Tuđman; army; gendarmerie; police; state administration; judiciary;
- Summary/Abstract:As a historian, Franjo Tuđman arrived to important conclusions about the relations between Croats and Serbs and the internal and external causes of the situation and the crisis in the country that was ultimately going to cause its breakdown in his research of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/ Yugoslavia in the period between 1918 and 1941, and in his research of Croatia’s position therein. Analyzing archive sources and other materials, along with relevant literature, Tuđman looked into the organization and the actions of the repressive system of monarchist Yugoslavia’s regime in Croatian territory and their dealings with the Croatian people. He recognized the basic elements of Serbian hegemony in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/ Yugoslavia, the Vidovdan centralist regime and the struggle to preserve it at all costs, proving that it would all have been impossible without the principal exponents – the king, the army, the gendarmerie, the police, the state administration, the judiciary, the government, and the political parties. Tuđman proved how King Alexander Karađorđević, supported by his loyal army and gendarmerie, established himself as the top authority in the country since the very beginning in 1918, and how Serbian political and ruling elite gathered around his court and him personally. The constitution gave him authority over the parliament, which he made full use of in the practice, and the parliament held a subordinate role for the entire time. This role of the king and his courtiers would remain unchanged until the end of monarchist Yugoslavia. The army with the king at its helm was, in Tuđman’s opinion, the second most important factor. From the very beginning the army had been built as the principal instrument of Great-Serbian hegemonist and counter-national politics and of Serbian hegemony, fully living up to the role in reality, preserving the monarchy and its centralist and hegemonist system, and serving as an active factor of the state politics until its breakdown in 1941. The army was a tool in the hands of the court that was used as counterweight to parliamentalism and the strivings of political parties to run state politics. Considering the significance of the army for the ruling structure, the expenditures for the army remained at a very high level continually, often having a considerable negative impact on the development of the economy in non-Serbian territories.
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OCJENA SPORAZUMA CVETKOVIĆ-MAČEK I DRŽAVNOG UDARA 27. OŽUJKA 1941.
OCJENA SPORAZUMA CVETKOVIĆ-MAČEK I DRŽAVNOG UDARA 27. OŽUJKA 1941.
(THE VIEWS ON THE CVETKOVIĆ-MAČEK AGREEMENT AND THE COUP OF MARCH 27, 1941)
- Author(s):Krešimir Regan
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Diplomatic history, Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:211-236
- No. of Pages:26
- Keywords:Banovina Hrvatska; Cvetković-Maček agreement; Great-Serbian ideology; Serbian Cultural Club; coup; Franjo Tuđman;
- Summary/Abstract:Banovina Hrvatska was Croatian nation’s political and territorial unit in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia that enjoyed a high level of autonomy from the central government. It was established on August 26, 1939 when Vladko Maček, the president of the Croatian Peasants’ Party and the representative of the Peasant-Democratic Coalition, signed an agreement with Dragiša Cvetković, the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the representative of the Yugoslav Radical Union. By granting Croats this autonomy, the political circles in Belgrade with the regent Prince Pavle at the helm aimed to solve the question of Croatian national and territorial individuality in the Yugoslav state (the Croatian question), and thus give the Kingdom of Yugoslavia internal political stability in the circumstances of growingly tense political relations in Europe in the eve of World War II. The establishment of Banovina Hrvatska was the beginning of an internal political reform whose ultimate objective was to transform the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from a unitary country into a federation. In this project Dravska banovina was supposed to be converted into Banovina Slovenija with Slovenes as its dominant population, and the entire territory east of Banovina Hrvatska, in which the Serbs constituted the relative majority, was supposed to be joined into a political and territorial unit called The Serbian Territories. This plan had its opponents both on Serbian and on Croatian side. Croats felt that they had a historical right to Vrbaska banovina, as this territory had been a part of the Kingdom of Croatia throughout the Middle Ages, and they also felt that they had a right to entire Syrmia, as it had been a part of the former Austro-Hungarian Triune Kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia until 1922. Serbs, on the other hand, felt that they had a historical right to the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slavonia, and Dalmatia. Opponents of the reform assembled around the Serbian Cultural Club were especially active among the latter, and so were some officers of the Yugoslav Army, who brought down the Cvetković-Maček government in a coup on March 27, 1941, thus putting an end to the reform that had just begun. There is no dilemma that these events were the subject of Tuđman’s professional interest, but some of his close friends and political associates (Stipe Mesić, Josip Manolić, Dušan Bilandžić, Petar Kriste) and some of the journalists (Branko Tuđen, Tihomir Ponoš, Darko Hudelist, Marinko Čulić, and others) advocate the thesis that Banovina Hrvatska was an obsession for Tuđman, that he was burdened by historicism, Banovina Hrvatska in particular, that he moved into «the field of conservative Croatian ideology and politics» by «identifying» himself with Maček and by studying the agreement on Banovina Hrvatska, and that he had accordingly striven to set up the independent Republic of Croatia within the historical boundaries of Banovina Hrvatska in the first half of the 1990s.
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DRUGI SVJETSKI RAT U HRVATSKOJ I JUGOSLAVIJI U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA
DRUGI SVJETSKI RAT U HRVATSKOJ I JUGOSLAVIJI U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA
(WORLD WAR II IN CROATIA AND YUGOSLAVIA IN FRANJO TUĐMAN’S WORKS)
- Author(s):Anđelko Mijatović
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Military history, Political history, Government/Political systems, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), History of Communism, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:237-248
- No. of Pages:12
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; research work; People’s Liberation Movement; People’s Liberation Army; People’s Liberation War; Croatia; Yugoslavia; Yugoslav historiography;
- Summary/Abstract:Historical researcher Franjo Tuđman addresses the war and political developments in Croatia and the countries of former Yugoslavia during World War II (1941-1945) in several of his published books, studies, encyclopedia articles, and discussions, investigating the beginnings of the anti-occupation fighting and the People’s Liberation Movement (NOP), the formation of the People’s Liberation Army (NOV), the progress of the People’s Liberation War (NOR), and the socialist and communist revolution and the establishment of the socialist and communist authorities, as these ideas and processes were named in communist terminology. In his first historical book, War against War (Rat protiv rata), published in Zagreb in 1957, Tuđman discusses the general anti-occupation struggle against the Axis Powers in World War II (1941-1945) in the territory of former Yugoslavia in the article People’s Liberation War and the Socialist Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945 (Narodnooslobodilački rat i socijalistička revolucija u Jugoslaviji 1941.-1945.), setting it in the context of the conditions and circumstances that resulted from the dominant factors of the «social and political development of the peoples of Yugoslavia» of the time. Tuđman addressed the same issues in his study The Formation of Socialist Yugoslavia (Stvaranje socijalističke Jugoslavije), published in Zagreb in 1960; in his texts about the People’s Liberation War in Croatia; in his entry about Croatia published in The Encyclopedia of Yugoslavia and The Military Encyclopedia, published the same year; in his article The New Yugoslavia (Nova Jugoslavija) in The Military Encyclopedia (1961); and in his book Occupation and Revolution (Okupacija i revolucija), published in 1963, with two papers. The aforementioned Tuđman’s writings are characterized by all the ideological features of the time and are a part of contemporary Yugoslav historiography by their time setting and by their concepts alike. In his works written after 1963, however, he laid a greater emphasis on Croatia’s importance and contribution to the overall progress of the People’s Liberation War and the People’s Liberation Movement in Yugoslavia. Tuđman thus broke free from the ideological burdens in the lecture Discussions about the Causes of Monarchist Yugoslavia’s Breakdown and the Prerequisites for the Development of People’s Liberation Struggle in Croatia, which he delivered in Split on October 9, 1964 and in Karlovac on March 2, 1965, in his presentation On the General Conditions and Characteristics of the Development of the Revolutionary and Democratic Movement in Croatia, which he held in Ljubljana at the end of April 1966, in his paper The National Question in Modern Europe, published in 1981, and in his book Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti, published in Zagreb in 1989, and translated to English as Horrors of War: Historical Reality and Philosophy...
- Price: 4.90 €
RAZVOJ VOJSKE ANTIFAŠISTIČKE HRVATSKE U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA
RAZVOJ VOJSKE ANTIFAŠISTIČKE HRVATSKE U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA
(THE FORMATION OF CROATIA’S ANTIFASCIST ARMY IN FRANJO TUĐMAN’S WORKS)
- Author(s):Branko Dubravica
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Military history, Security and defense, Military policy, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:249-262
- No. of Pages:14
- Keywords:Partisans; Partisan squad; brigade; division; corps; liberation movement; World war II; battle; revolution;
- Summary/Abstract:Franjo Tuđman is among few historians who approached the study of the antifascist movement in Croatia and Yugoslavia in the period 1941-1945 from the narrow Croatian national standpoint, overemphasizing the strength of the Croatian Partisan movement, and exhibiting great expectations he held about Yugoslav federalism. Tuđman was a participant of this movement, and the verdict he gave on the National Liberation War in whole and on its top-ranking authorities in his numerous works was positive. A decade after they took place, the constitution and the meetings of the new bodies of federal government, the Antifascist Council of the People’s Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ) and the National Antifascist Council of the People’s Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH), along with the important decisions they made, entitled Tuđman to the conclusion that the foundations of the monarchist centralism and unitarianism of interwar Yugoslavia had been destroyed with the constitution of the federal bodies and federal units, and that the prerequisites for the establishment of equality among the peoples of the Yugoslav federation had been established. Tuđman was a bitter opponent of the prewar monarchist and centralist system in the Great-Serbian Yugoslavia, and he felt that the bodies of the new communist and Partisan authorities, set up during the war, were a positive step in putting in effect the concept of the Yugoslav federation. He considered the proclamation of the Federal State of Croatia in Topusko a major breakthrough in the struggles for Croatian sovereignty and equality in the federation of Yugoslav countries and nations. At the same time he was opposed to the mythical glorification of the initial uprising in Serbia and Montenegro in 1941, which had soon collapsed, and countered it with his thesis about the continuous development of the Partisan movement in Croatia that had not become so widespread, but had not collapsed so quickly either. On the contrary, the Croatian movement assumed the leading role in building the Partisan movement’s armed forces in Yugoslavia as early as since the end of the summer of 1942. Peacetime reality, however, taught Tuđman that wartime practice, flattering promises, and postwar constitutional provisions were not enough to give Croatia the expected equality. Living and working in Belgrade, Tuđman soon faced the Great-Serbian mentality in the top echelons of the army, in particular when it came to the studies of the history of the People’s Liberation War, in which Serbian role was glorified and Croatian role underestimated and marginalized.
- Price: 4.90 €
TUĐMANOVA OCJENA REPRESIVNOSTI USTAŠKOG POKRETA
TUĐMANOVA OCJENA REPRESIVNOSTI USTAŠKOG POKRETA
(TUĐMAN’S INTERPRETATION OF THE REPRESSIVENESS OF THE USTASHA MOVEMENT)
- Author(s):Davor Kovačić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Military history, Political history, Studies in violence and power, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:263-278
- No. of Pages:16
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; Ustasha movement; Independent State of Croatia;
- Summary/Abstract:As a historian who analyzed the history of World War II, Franjo Tuđman paid considerable attention to the subject of the Independent State of Croatia in his scientific research. He studied the Ustasha movement as well in this context and made considerable breakthroughs in the analysis and research thereof. Tuđman felt that mindless violence toward the population of the warring countries, and in particular violence toward entire nations with pronouncedly genocide objectives and consequences, had taken on the most ruthless proportions in the entire human history in the period of World War II when the amount of suffering and the ways in which this violence was meted out are taken into consideration. Tuđman felt this to be an indisputable fact, but he also felt that there could be no serious argument that these crimes, in all their horror, were a new phenomenon in the historical sequence of events or in the development of the human species by any of their characteristics, and particularly not by their consequences.
- Price: 4.90 €
NEZAVISNA DRŽAVA HRVATSKA I ŽRTVE DRUGOGA SVJETSKOG RATA U POVIJESNIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA FRANJE TUĐMANA
NEZAVISNA DRŽAVA HRVATSKA I ŽRTVE DRUGOGA SVJETSKOG RATA U POVIJESNIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA FRANJE TUĐMANA
(THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA AND WORLD WAR II VICTIMS IN FRANJO TUĐMAN’S HISTORICAL RESEARCH)
- Author(s):Mario Jareb
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Military history, Political history, Government/Political systems, Studies in violence and power, Victimology, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:279-312
- No. of Pages:34
- Keywords:Independent State of Croatia; casualties; World War II;
- Summary/Abstract:The Croatian public has formed its opinion regarding Franjo Tuđman as a historian almost exclusively from sentences in a speech that he delivered in Zagreb in late February 1990 which seems to suggest that he believed that most Croats in 1941 supported the Independent State of Croatia. Although he dedicated more than three decades of his life to historical research on topics related to contemporary Croatian history, debates in the Croatian media and among Croatian historians are still often focused on those sentences, which have repeatedly been quoted without any reference to Tuđman’s other work or to why he included them in his speech. However, an analysis of the content of those sentences suggests that Tuđman was attempting to approach the foundation of the Independent State of Croatia as a historian rather than as a politician, but that he simplified the complexity of that historical event in his speech. Although some critics have alleged that Tuđman holds revisionist pro-NDH views, an analysis of his numerous works and public statements shows that he never adopted such views. He remained a vociferous critic of the NDH and the Ustašas [the Croatian is now regularly used in scholarly publications in English] from his earliest historical publications to the end of his life. He condemned Ustaša crimes openly and without any hesitation. However, as a historian who during the 1960s had dared to challenge some Party dogmas about World War II in Yugoslavia and in Croatia, he became the object of serious attacks by some powerful circles within the Yugoslav People’s Army, the League of Communists of Croatia/Yugoslavia, and Yugoslav and Croatian historians. Many of those who attacked Tuđman labeled him a nationalist and did everything they could to prevent him from publishing results of his research. His analysis of historiographic and political stereotypes that treated all Croats as Ustašas was closely related to his research on the NDH and the Ustaša movement. His efforts to contribute to an accurate estimate of population losses in Yugoslavia during World War II consumed much of his time and energy during the period from the mid 1960s to the end of the 1980s. He attempted to deconstruct myths related to these population losses and to promote research based on relevant sources and data. There is no doubt that the Jasenovac myth was one of the main foci of his research. Since the myths surrounding Yugoslavia’s war dead were supported by the Communist regime, Tuđman faced not only criticism of his research but became a dissident and the object of the regime’s repression.
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PRVI HRVATSKI PREDSJEDNIK DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O JUGOSLAVENSKOM PREDSJEDNIKU JOSIPU BROZU TITU
PRVI HRVATSKI PREDSJEDNIK DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O JUGOSLAVENSKOM PREDSJEDNIKU JOSIPU BROZU TITU
(THE FIRST CROATIAN PRESIDENT FRANJO TUĐMAN ABOUT THE YUGOSLAV PRESIDENT JOSIP BROZ TITO)
- Author(s):Nikica Barić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Post-War period (1950 - 1989), History of Communism, Politics of History/Memory
- Page Range:313-340
- No. of Pages:28
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; Josip Broz Tito; Croatian Democratic Union; national reconciliation;
- Summary/Abstract:Based on his speeches and other statements, the article analyzes Croatian president’s Franjo Tuđman’s views about the Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito. We many conclude that Tuđman’s opinions about Tito had been for the most part positive, occasionally encroaching on noncritical apologia of the communist Yugoslavia’s former leader. We may also conclude that Tuđman’s partialness to Tito was, among other reasons, motivated by the fact that Tuđman had been a part of Tito’s Partisan movement in his young days, and that he had later been a member of the Yugoslavian communist nomenclature. To give a better illustration of Tuđman’s interpretation of Tito, the article also describes Tuđman’s insistence on the politics of national reconciliation of the Croatian people, with which he planned to overcome the ideological differences between Croats stemming from the events of World War II.
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POGLEDI FRANJE TUĐMANA DO 1971. GODINE O RADNIČKOM POKRETU U HRVATSKOJ, KPH/SKH (KPJ/SKJ), NOP-U/NOR-U, KOMUNIZMU I SOCIJALIZMU (Kratki pregled)
POGLEDI FRANJE TUĐMANA DO 1971. GODINE O RADNIČKOM POKRETU U HRVATSKOJ, KPH/SKH (KPJ/SKJ), NOP-U/NOR-U, KOMUNIZMU I SOCIJALIZMU (Kratki pregled)
(FRANJO TUĐMAN’S VIEWS OF THE WORKERS’ MOVEMENT IN CROATIA, THE COMMUNIST PARTIES OF CROATIA AND YUGOSLAVIA (AND THE LEAGUES OF COMMUNISTS OF CROATIA AND YUGOSLAVIA), THE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT AND THE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION WAR, COMMUNISM, AND...)
- Author(s):Petar Strčić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Labor relations, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Politics and society, Post-War period (1950 - 1989), History of Communism, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:341-359
- No. of Pages:19
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; historiographic and other writings; end of 1971; workers’ movement; communist organizations; communism; socialism;
- Summary/Abstract:Franjo Tuđman, an academician, Ph. D., and the first president of the Republic of Croatia, published his first text in Belgrade in 1952, a publicist article about a current military topic that he published as an officer of the Yugoslav National Army (JNA). He published his first article about the subject matter of this paper, history, in 1954 in Krapina. It was another publicist article about his home region of Hrvatsko zagorje in the People’s Liberation Struggle, in which he had been an active participant as a member of the Communist Party of Croatia and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. His writing was politically intoned in the customary post-Stalinist register. He wrote his first works of historiographical value after he was moved to the study department of the Supreme Command in Belgrade in 1957, and his works after 1961 were written outside of the confines of the Army at the Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement in Croatia, whose co-founder and first director Tuđman had been. Addressing the topics that are the subject matter of this paper, he developed into a distinguished scientist (Europe), holder of a Ph. D. (Zadar), and an associate university professor (Zagreb). In addition, at the Institute he influenced the professional development of a number of other distinguished Croatian historiographers who researched this and other subjects. He strove to adhere to the globally recognized scientific and professional standards of the time, set forth in Croatia by Jaroslav Šidak: he based his writings on sources and on critical contemplation of literature (both Yugoslav and foreign), and he made his own historiographically useful scientific and professional judgments and assessments. The antifascist and supernational ideas are prevalent in his work, but the Croatian national idea also gains importance as time passes by. His writings have held their value, but have for the most part been (unjustly) neglected in comparison with other writings he produced after the 1970s, when he, expelled from the League of Communists of Croatia and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, removed from the position of the director of the Institute, and no longer allowed to teach, functioning as a prisoner and active politician, supplemented his old writings about this subject with new, mostly publicist values characterized by prominent Croatian national spirit in the contemporary anti-communist and anti-Yugoslav political standing. Still, his overall contribution to this subject is positive, and he also provided very vigorous impetus to his critics and followers, including scientists and experts, regardless whether their views about his work were positive or negative. Some of them made their own new contributions to historiography and publicist writing by defending or rejecting his theses and results, sometimes even unwittingly. These solid results about this subject would be nonexistent without Franjo Tuđman.
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SUKOB VLADIMIRA BAKARIĆA I FRANJE TUĐMANA 1961.-1967.
SUKOB VLADIMIRA BAKARIĆA I FRANJE TUĐMANA 1961.-1967.
(VLADIMIR BAKARIĆ’S DISAGREEMENTS WITH FRANJO TUĐMAN 1961-1967)
- Author(s):Dino Mujadžević
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Comparative politics, Nationalism Studies, Post-War period (1950 - 1989), History of Communism
- Page Range:361-369
- No. of Pages:9
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; Vladimir Bakarić; League of Communists of Croatia; socialism; Croatian nationalism; Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement; historiography;
- Summary/Abstract:Vladimir Bakarić was at the helm of the Communist Party of Croatia and the League of Communists of Croatia since September 1944. The function, combined with the fact that he was one of Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito’s most trusted men, made him the person of highest authority and the personification of the communist regime in Croatia. Some authors feel he had very skillfully walked the tightrope between loyalty to Yugoslavia and the efforts to protect Croatia’s interests, between Marxist dogmatism and relative liberalism. He supported Franjo Tuđman’s struggles for the affirmation of the Croatian Partisan movement in The Military Encyclopedia in Belgrade as early as in the 1950s, and in 1961 he arranged for Tuđman to be moved to Zagreb and appointed the director of the Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement. Bakarić supported Tuđman’s efforts as a counterbalance to Belgrade’s centralist and unitarianist ambitions, but still judged that Tuđman had veered from the «line» of the League of Communists of Croatia in his comments about The History of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in 1964, having started to advocate nationalist ideas. He was particularly troubled by Tuđman’s favorable disposition toward the Cvetković-Maček agreement of 1939, which Tuđman proclaimed to have practically solved «the Croatian question». Bakarić felt that the politics of the Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS) and their allies at the Court in the eve of World War II not only had not solved the Croatian question, but had also brought Yugoslavia closer to the Axis Powers and had sabotaged the Partisan uprising. Bakarić attacked Tuđman fiercely at the meeting of the Commission for History of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the spring, but Tuđman would not be dissuaded; he even managed to secure the support of several high-ranking officials of the League of Communists. After Tuđman promoted his ideas in a number of lectures he delivered in 1964 and 1965, Bakarić opened up Party investigation against him, and Tuđman quieted down for the moment without suffering any consequences. Bakarić had him removed from the helm of the Institute only in 1967 when he set out to eradicate «nationalism» from Croatian cultural institutions after the publication of The Declaration on the Status and Name of the Croatian Literary Language.
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DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN, JUGOSLAVENSKA/HRVATSKA AKADEMIJA I MATICA HRVATSKA
DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN, JUGOSLAVENSKA/HRVATSKA AKADEMIJA I MATICA HRVATSKA
(FRANJO TUĐMAN, THE YUGOSLAV/CROATIAN ACADEMY AND MATICA HRVATSKA)
- Author(s):Dubravko Jelčić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Higher Education , History of Education, Post-War period (1950 - 1989), History of Communism
- Page Range:371-380
- No. of Pages:10
- Keywords:Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts (HAZU); Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts (JAZU); Matica hrvatska;
- Summary/Abstract:When he left the military service in Belgrade at his own request in 1961 and returned to Zagreb, where he took over the office of the director of the newly established Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement of Croatia, Franjo Tuđman very quickly joined Krleža’s circle, through which he soon made friends and colleagues with other members of the Academy. Thus he published his important historical and political study The German Problem Yesterday and Today (O njemačkom problem juče i danas) in the first issue of the Academy’s periodical Forum in 1962. He continued contributing to the magazine, among other things, as a member of its editorial board until the fatal year 1971, and he reestablished his cooperation with them once again in 1996, after he had become the President of the Republic of Croatia, with his study Starčević’s Ideas about the Croatian independent state (Starčevićeve ideje o samostalnoj hrvatskoj državi). He was nominated for an associate member of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts (JAZU) at Krleža’s suggestion as early as in 1965, but his admittance was prevented by a request of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia and by personal intervention of Vladimir Bakarić, with whom Tuđman had already had fierce ideological disagreements. Tuđman became a regular member after all in 1992, but he became a member of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts (HAZU) instead of the Yugoslav one. The disagreements with the official politics of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and the League of Communists of Croatia were growing deeper and more irreconcilable daily, in particular after The Declaration on the Status and Name of the Croatian Literary Language (1967), driving Tuđman closer and closer to Matica hrvatska, at the time led by Jakša Ravlić, Hrvoje Iveković, and Ljudevit Jonke, as the only constant defender and promoter of Croatian national awareness. Tuđman had been active in Matica hrvatska until the meeting in Karađorđevo in December 1971 as a member of its managing and executive committees, as the president of the Commission for Croatian History, and as council member in Matica hrvatska’s popular weekly Hrvatski tjednik.
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KATOLIČKA CRKVA I KATOLICIZAM U DJELU FRANJE TUĐMANA
KATOLIČKA CRKVA I KATOLICIZAM U DJELU FRANJE TUĐMANA
(CATHOLIC CHURCH AND CATHOLICISM IN FRANJO TUĐMAN’S WORKS)
- Author(s):Jure Krišto
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Christian Theology and Religion, History of Church(es), Political history, Government/Political systems, Politics and religion, Nationalism Studies, History of Communism
- Page Range:381-402
- No. of Pages:22
- Keywords:Tuđman; religion; Catholic Church; Catholicism; propaganda; Serbian nationalism; Pope; Stepinac; historiography; manipulations; communism; Party;
- Summary/Abstract:There are few historians whose historiographical pursuits were so closely intertwined with their personal fates as Franjo Tuđman’s had been. Few people ever met the prerequisites for it in the way Tuđman did. A distinguished and loyal follower of the Marxist ideas, devoted to socialism and socialist development, and a high-ranking official of the Communist Party and the Yugoslav Army, Tuđman started to break free from the control of the Party, which had kept a close eye on the interpretation of historical events, in particular of modern history, in his historiographical research, finally bringing himself to a point where the Party was forced to discipline him. Tuđman’s views clashed with those of the Party leaders when he stood up against certain interpretations of recent Croatian history that had been built on political hypotheses and definitions, for instance, interpretations about the Ustasha concentration camp Jasenovac, the number of casualties in World War II, the alleged historical guilt of the Croatian people, and the alleged negative role of the Catholic Church. In short, when Tuđman attempted to rectify the distorted image of Croatian history, he himself became the target of persecution. It left a permanent stain on Croatian historiography, since some historians joined in the persecution driven by motives that had little to do with historiography. By distancing himself from the Party, Tuđman gradually distanced himself from Marxism as a philosophical system and from the socialist system of the country, in which Marxism and the Party dictated all aspects of life, historiography included. There are indications that he started to approach Catholicism, or better still, the Catholic Church as its historical embodiment. In the last phase of his intellectual pursuits, which coincided with the fiercest attacks on everything Croatian, Tuđman wrote a systematic defense of the Catholic Church, offering sound arguments against the theses of many Serbian historians and publicists, who slandered the Church and its leader at the time of World War II, Archbishop Alojzije Stepinac. As Croatian president, he evoked the historical connections between Croats and the Holy See in his dealings with the Pope, emphasized the Croats’ historical orientation on the West, and confirmed their devotedness to the Holy See and to the Catholic values. He expressed his gratitude to the Holy See for the favors they did to the Croats in decisive moments, and he promised that Croats would remain on this course. Tuđman’s life path distanced him from Catholicism, but his suffering gradually brought him back to it. His life and career are a story about intellectual pursuits fueled by curiosity, about a great sense of justice and truth, about an extensive opus as a writer, dedication to the idea of Croatian sovereignty, an acute sense of political moment, and the grand establishment of an independent Croatian state. Without a shadow of doubt, his life had been lived to the fullest, and fulfilled the hopes of many!
- Price: 4.90 €
FRANJO TUĐMAN I ISTRA
FRANJO TUĐMAN I ISTRA
(FRANJO TUĐMAN AND ISTRIA)
- Author(s):Nevio Šetić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Regional Geography, Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Politics of History/Memory, Politics and Identity
- Page Range:403-424
- No. of Pages:22
- Keywords:Istria; Republic of Croatia; Croatian national question; antifascism; Franjo Tuđman; HDZ (Croatian Democratic Union); IDS (Istrian Democratic Assembly) ;
- Summary/Abstract:The author discusses Franjo Tuđman’s contribution to the analysis and understanding of historical and political processes and events that took place in the Croatian national territory in the 19th and 20th centuries. He describes the particularity of the Croatian national question and the Croatian national integration process, the understanding of the antifascist and national liberation movement, and the fundamental human and national values and the right of the Croatian nation to self-determination and independence, nationwide and in the Istrian region alike. As a historian, Franjo Tuđman had not studied Istrian history directly, but he addressed it within his studies of the recent Croatian, Southern Slavic, and European history. The article also discusses Franjo Tuđman’s conduct towards Istria and its residents in the capacity of the President of the Republic of Croatia and the President of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) based on an analysis of the reports published in the local daily Glas Istre and four speeches Tuđman had delivered in Istria at the beginning of the 1990s, as well as looks into the political views of the Istrian Democratic Assembly’s (IDS) elite on Franjo Tuđman and the politics of the Croatian Democratic Union, at whose helm he had been.
- Price: 4.90 €
DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN U SRPSKOJ HISTORIOGRAFIJI
DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN U SRPSKOJ HISTORIOGRAFIJI
(FRANJO TUĐMAN IN SERBIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY)
- Author(s):Jakša Raguž
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Military history, Political history, Serbian Literature, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:425-448
- No. of Pages:24
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; Serbian historiography; Homeland War;
- Summary/Abstract:The portrayal of Franjo Tuđman in 88 analyzed publications by Serbian historiographers of different provenance and ranking, academician or lower, who analyzed the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the wars that had accompanied the process, is pronouncedly negative. Tuđman is given a negative verdict as a person (chauvinist), historian (lacks objectivity, uses historiography in service of political goals, plagiarist), and politician (follower of the fascist regime of the Independent State of Croatia, autocrat, warmonger, creator and enforcer of politics of genocide and ethnical cleansing, and so on). The authors of such diagnoses mostly try to avoid parts of his biography that could compromise the uniformity of their verdicts (his participation in the antifascist movement during World War II, for instance, or his endeavors to find an amicable solution for the Serbian rebellion in Croatia 1990/1995). The views of Serbian historiographers are not surprising given the political and social climate in Serbia, which has not changed much throughout the past decades.
- Price: 4.90 €
BIBLIOGRAFIJA RADOVA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA I BIBLIOGRAFIJA RADOVA O DR. FRANJI TUĐMANU (Izbor)
BIBLIOGRAFIJA RADOVA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA I BIBLIOGRAFIJA RADOVA O DR. FRANJI TUĐMANU (Izbor)
(A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF FRANJO TUĐMAN’S WORKS AND A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS ABOUT FRANJO TUĐMAN (A SELECTION))
- Author(s):Petar Mamić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Bibliography, Post-War period (1950 - 1989), Transformation Period (1990 - 2010)
- Page Range:449-569
- No. of Pages:121
- Keywords:Tuđman’s works; works about Tuđman;
- Summary/Abstract:This bibliography lists the writings of the first Croatian president Franjo Tuđman and the dynamics of the reactions that the publication of his works caused. The bibliography consists of two parts. The first part is a bibliographic record of Franjo Tuđman’s works published in the period between 1952 and 2009 as autonomous works, articles published in anthologies, and articles published in periodicals. The second part is a record of publications about Franjo Tuđman as a historian, politician, and statesman. Due to the multitude of newspaper writings about President Franjo Tuđman in Croatian and foreign press in the period 1990-2009, the list has been limited to texts published as autonomous works, and to articles published in anthologies and in periodicals.
- Price: 4.90 €
FOTOGRAFIJE IZ ALBUMA OBITELJI TUĐMAN
FOTOGRAFIJE IZ ALBUMA OBITELJI TUĐMAN
(PHOTOS FROM THE TUĐMAN FAMILY ALBUM)
- Author(s):Not Specified Author
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Photography
- Page Range:571-580
- No. of Pages:10
- Keywords:Franjo Tuđman; Photos;
- Summary/Abstract:Photos From the Tuđman Family Album
- Price: 4.90 €