Pravaštvo u hrvatskome političkom i kulturnom životu u sučelju dvaju stoljeća
‘Rightism’ in the political and cultural life of Croatia at the intersection of two centuries
Contributor(s): Zdravka Jelaska Marijan (Editor), Zlatko Matijević (Editor)
Subject(s): Cultural history, Political history, Croatian Literature, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Politics and religion, Politics and society, Nationalism Studies, 19th Century, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Inter-Ethnic Relations
Published by: Hrvatski institut za povijest
Keywords: Croatia; 'rightism'; political life; cultural life;
Summary/Abstract: After the collapse of the political ideas that emerged from the revolutionary movement of 1848/49, a regime of neo-absolutism was introduced in the lands of the Habsburg Monarchy. During its ten-year period, the beginnings of the Pravaš ideology can be found. Ante Starčević and Eugen Kvaternik, disappointed by the collapse of the Revolution and its ideas of national and civil liberties, founded Pravaštvo as a new Croatian national integration and political ideology. In building the Pravaš ideology, its founders were inspired by the liberal principles of the French Revolution in their thinking about the Croatian state-legal tradition. Both undoubtedly emphasized the establishment of the Croatian state as their ultimate goal. During the session of the Croatian Parliament in 1861, the nucleus of the Party of Rights and its future versions was created. The representations of the renewed Rijeka County, which were accepted by its assembly and composed by A. Starčević, the great notary of Rijeka County, give the new party its first programmatic principles. All of them are contained in Starčević's fundamental idea that the Kingdom of Croatia is "completely independent of any state".
- Print-ISBN-13: 978-953-7840-24-2
- Page Count: 601
- Publication Year: 2013
- Language: Croatian
Oblikovanje pravaške nacionalno-integracijske ideologije do hrvatskoga Sabora 1861. godine
Oblikovanje pravaške nacionalno-integracijske ideologije do hrvatskoga Sabora 1861. godine
(The formation of ‘Rightist’ ideology of national integration up to the Croatian Sabor of 1861)
- Author(s):Jasna Turkalj
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, 19th Century
- Page Range:19-67
- No. of Pages:49
- Keywords:Party of Right philosophy; ideology of national integration; absolutist system; constitutional period; Ante Starčević; Eugen Kvaternik;
- Summary/Abstract:In this work the author follows the formation of the Party of Right’s ideology of national integration during the period of neo-Absolutism in the 1850s, especially in the final phase of the breakdown of the absolutist system in 1859/1860 and the early stages of the beginning of the constitutional period, which coincided with the appearance of ‘State Right’ ideology and the emergence of national representatives Ante Starčević and Eugen Kvaternik in the Croatian Sabor (Parliament) of 1861. All of key elements of ‘Rightist’ ideology, which has at its heart the notion of a whole and fully independent Croatian state outside of the Habsburg Monarchy, were formed at this time. In the first full formulation of ‘Rightist’ thought, which Kvaternik presented in 1859 in the book La Croatie et la confédération italienne, he included within the Croatian state all land extending from the Adriatic Sea to the Danube and Drina rivers, from Soča in the north to Albania in the south, calling on the right of ‘original acquisition.’ All of the inhabitants of these lands acquired by original conquest he considered Croat. He also put forward the fundamental ‘Rightist’ concept of a constitutional agreement between the Habsburg Monarch and the Croatian people in 1527, which the Habsburgs had breeched thus allowing the Croat people the right to terminate this agreement and reconstitute an independent Croatian state and choose a new sovereign. Similarly Starčević, in petitions from the County of Rijeka, vehemently denounced Austria and the Habsburg dynasty and contested, like Kvaternik, any link to the people of the Monarchy other than that of a common sovereign, and demanded of Franz Joseph the creation of an independent and territorially whole Kingdom of Croatia. If the ruler did not accept these righteous demands, the Croatian people had the right and duty to break the agreement, that is, remove the Habsburgs from the throne. At the Sabor of 1861, Starčević and Kvaternik defended the principle of an independent and united Croatian state, acknowledging only the possibility of a personal union. The decision of the Sabor to not send a delegate to the Imperial Council to a discussion of common affairs with Austria both Starčević and Kvaternik considered a victory for their political principles.
- Price: 6.00 €
Hrvatska književnost i pravaštvo. Izvodi iz “Povijesti hrvatske književnosti”
Hrvatska književnost i pravaštvo. Izvodi iz “Povijesti hrvatske književnosti”
(Croatian literature and State Rights` ideology: Selections from “The History of Croatian Literature”)
- Author(s):Dubravko Jelčić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Croatian Literature, Government/Political systems, 19th Century
- Page Range:69-102
- No. of Pages:34
- Keywords:the Party of Right; ‘Rightism’; Croatian literature;
- Summary/Abstract:The Party of Right is not only vital to Croatian political life in the second half of the 19th century, but of all Croatian political parties it is the most influential in terms of Croatian literature, maintaining this influence right until the end of the 1930s. This influence is not limited to ideology or the level of outlook on the world, as characterized by a critical (in the manner of Starčević) stance toward the reality of Croatian society, but can also be felt on an aesthetic level, where ‘Rightism’ helped to form a specific style of Croatian literary realism. The influence on ‘Rightism’ is already visible in the works of August Šenoa, who as citizen was an adherent of Strossmayer’s National Party, as an author nonetheless infused his work from the first to the last page with the fundamental notions of the Party of Right. The entirety of Croatian literary romanticism, whatever its merits, is unimaginable without the solid persona of Ante Starčević and the ideology of the Party of Right; Croatian literary realism would be unrecognizable for its uniqueness without the ‘Rightist’ chorus tones led out by Ante Kovačić and Eugen Kumičić; with A. G. Matoš dominant ‘Rightist’ ideas are carried forward into the modernist era, while reflexes of this influence can be felt in the thinking of August Cesarec and Miroslav Krleža, two Croatian writers of communist orientation.
- Price: 6.00 €
Stranka prava u Dalmaciji krajem XIX. i početkom XX. stoljeća
Stranka prava u Dalmaciji krajem XIX. i početkom XX. stoljeća
(The Party of Right in Dalmatia at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century)
- Author(s):Marjan DIKLIĆ
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, 19th Century, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919)
- Page Range:103-133
- No. of Pages:31
- Keywords:Party of Right; Party of Pure Right; National Party of Croatia; Croatian Party; Dalmatia; politics of the “new course”; Austro-Hungarian Monarchy;
- Summary/Abstract:Even though ‘Rightist’ ideas first appear in Dalmatia at the end of the 1860s and the beginning of the 1870s, and the first ‘Rightist’ groupings in the 1880s and early 1890s, it is not until the summer of 1894 that the Dalmatian Party of Right is founded. Following Prodan’s religious-‘Rightist’ group, which appears at the beginning of the 1880s, Trumbić-Supilo’s liberal-‘Rightist’ group appears in the mid- 1880s, and then at the beginning of the 1890s Biankini’s Croatian Club is formed. These three ‘Rightist’ groups come together at a founding conference in Zadar on 22 August 1894 to create a united Party of Right in Dalmatia. At its head sat a 16 member Central Committee, to which were subordinated three regional commit-tees for north, central, and southern Dalmatia as well as several urban committees and party commissioners. The first president of the Central Committee and the Party of Right in Dalmatia was Rev. Josip Kažimir Ljubić. Following its foundation and organization throughout the region the party actively takes part in the elections for local government, the Dalmatian Sabor, and the Imperial Council in Vienna. At all three levels of government, the Party of Right achieved good results, becoming the second party in Dalmatia in terms of political strength and number of representatives. A few years after the split in the party in Croatia-Slavonia, a similar split occurs among the Dalmatia ‘Rightists’ leading to the creation of the Party of Pure Right in 1898, in which Don Ivo Prodan played a leading role. Unlike this party, which remained on the sidelines rejecting the politics of the “new course,” the bulk of the Dalmatian Party of Right, led by Trumbić, Supilo, and Biankini, set in motion a new politics in Croatia in the spring of 1905 in Split by uniting with the remnants of the old National Party to form the Croatian Party.
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Uloga pravaša u osvajanju općinske uprave u Dubrovniku 1890.–1899.
Uloga pravaša u osvajanju općinske uprave u Dubrovniku 1890.–1899.
(The Role of the ‘Rightists’ in taking over the municipal administration in Dubrovnik, 1890–1899)
- Author(s):Ivo Perić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Public Administration, Local History / Microhistory, Political history, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems, 19th Century
- Page Range:135-150
- No. of Pages:16
- Keywords:Dubrovnik; municipal administration; coalition; ‘Rightists’; Nationalists; Supilo; Čingrija; elections;
- Summary/Abstract:The first prominent ‘Rightists’ in Dubrovnik during the last decade of the 19th century were Ivan Matešan and Stjepan Čubretovic, instructors at the gymnasium, as well as Roko Mišetić, a doctor at the hospital. Their political activities were taken up and further expanded by Frano Supilo, at onetime the prefect of the agricultural department in Gruž, and later the founder, publisher, and editor of the ‘Rightist’ Dubrovnik weekly Crvena Hrvatska. In cooperation with Pero Čingrija, the Dubrovnik leader of the National Croat Party, Supilo aimed his political activity squarely at the coalition of the pro-Italian and Serbian parties, who since 1890 had dominated the municipal administration in Dubrovnik, negating the Croatian identity of Dubrovnik and directing it away from Croatian political ideas. This vehement struggle culminated in 1899, when the municipal administration in Dubrovnik came into the hands of Supilo’s ‘Rightists’ and Čingrija’s Nationalists, advocates of Croatian political ideas. The ‘Rightists’ proved to be the deciding factor in this struggle, who by their determination and conviction maintained the course and intensity of the struggle.
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Hrvatski propali pokušaji s kršćanskim socijalizmom
Hrvatski propali pokušaji s kršćanskim socijalizmom
(Croatian failed attempts with Christian Socialism)
- Author(s):Jure Krišto
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Christian Theology and Religion, Political history, Government/Political systems, Politics and religion, 19th Century, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939)
- Page Range:151-173
- No. of Pages:23
- Keywords:Croatia; Austro-Hungarian Monarchy; ‘Rightism’; Catholicism; Christian Socialism;
- Summary/Abstract:Following the Papal Encyclical Rerum novarum interest in social issues was raised in the Croatian lands, even though, due to weak industrialization in these lands, they were not yet ripe for such issues. Yet among Croats no great interest in Christian Socialism took root and that logically opens the question of why it did not, given that the population was overwhelmingly Catholic. The question is even more intriguing since within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, of which the Croats were a part, Christian Socials were very prominent. Historians for the most part have been concerned with the unification of Christian Socialists with ‘Rightist’ organizations and parties. This is justified because of the fact that Christian Socialists did believe that party growth was possible by unification with ‘Rightists.’ It seems to me that despite this fact there is nonetheless room for a reconsideration of the development of Christian Socialists and the ideas of Christian Socialism. By pointing out the historical context in which Christian Socialists tried to affirm their position, this work attempts to come to a clearer understanding of the stages of development of the Croatian Christian Socialists, as well as to provide an answer to the question of why Christian Socialism did not spring to life among the Croats.
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O okolnostima osnutka i djelovanju Kluba Starčevićeve hrvatske čiste stranke prava u Sarajevu
O okolnostima osnutka i djelovanju Kluba Starčevićeve hrvatske čiste stranke prava u Sarajevu
(On the circumstances of the formation and activity of the Club of Starčević’s Croatian Party of Pure Right in Sarajevo)
- Author(s):Zoran Grijak
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Local History / Microhistory, Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919)
- Page Range:175-263
- No. of Pages:89
- Keywords:Austro-Hungarian Monarchy; Bosnia and Hercegovina; First World War; ‘Rightism’; the Club of Starčević’s Croatian Party of Pure Right; May Declaration; Stjepan Sarkotić; Ivo Pilar;
- Summary/Abstract:On the basis of archival sources this article analyzes the circumstances surrounding the formation of the Club of Starčević’s Croatian Party of Pure Right in Sarajevo (1909), and especially the activity of its prominent members and adherents during the First World War. On the basis of memoranda directed to Emperor and King Charles I (IV) the activities of the members and supporters of the Club are analyzed. During the war the ‘Rightists’ of Bosnia-Hercegovina were in favour of a reconstitution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy on a Trialist, or Sub-Dualist, basis in order to create a whole Croatian state within its framework to which Bosnia and Hercegovina would be joined. In the twilight of the Monarchy this initiative was reconfigured toward a federalist model of the Monarchy’s reorganization in the belief that the victorious Entente, should it choose to preserve the Monarchy, would insist on its reorganization as a federal state based on the self-determination of nations. Likewise the ideas of the Bosnian and Hercegovinian Serbs and Muslims concerning the constitutional reorganization of the Monarchy are analyzed, wherein the Serbian notions for the most part were in line with the program of the so-called May Declaration of the Yugoslavian Club of the Imperial Council (1917), while the majority of the Muslims called for an autonomous Bosnia and Hercegovina within the framework of the Monarchy. At the same time the author points out that most of the Croatian politicians in Bosnia and Hercegovina supported the May Declaration and worked toward the restoration of the Bosnian and Hercegovinian Sabor (Parliament). On the basis of an analysis of the attitude of the leading political representatives of the two ruling nations of the Dualist Monarchy, the Austrian Germans and the Hungarians, toward the above mentioned attempts, it is clear that they were not considering a revision of the Dualist system, rather, they were hoping to strengthen it on the basis of a kind of sub-Dualism with the inclusion of Serbia and Montenegro within the Monarchy. At the same time the Hungarians continued to try to attach Bosnia and Hercegovina to the Hungarian part of the Monarchy as a corpus separatum. The author directs attention to the resistance of Croatian political leaders in Bosnia and Hercegovina to the efforts to bring Serbia and Montenegro within the framework of the Monarchy, because they felt that any increase in the number of Serbs within the framework of Croatia and Monarchy was in the long-term perspective a threat to their survival.
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“Planinsko hrvatstvo”: slovensko-pravaške teze i veze
“Planinsko hrvatstvo”: slovensko-pravaške teze i veze
(“Alpine Croatism:” Slovene-‘Rightist’ notions and ties)
- Author(s):Andrej Rahten
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Comparative politics, 19th Century, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919)
- Page Range:265-282
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:Slovene People’s Party; Ivan Tavčar; Ivan Šusteršič; Trialism; ‘Rightism’;
- Summary/Abstract:From the time of Ivan Tavčar’s youthful greeting of Croatian state right ideas and his declaration of being an “alpine Croat” in the 1880s, Slovene politics was based on an emphasis of cooperation with Croatian ‘Rightists.’ Thanks to Tavčar this cooperation was first prevalent among the Slovene National Progressives, but after the turn of the century, the initiative shift ed to the Catholic nationalists. In 1898, at the well-known congress in Trsat, they accepted Croatian State Right as the basis for the constitutional unification of the South Slavs of the Habsburg Monarchy. At the outset the majority of Croatian Catholic nationalists remained sceptical toward “clericals” from Carniola, despite the comments made in Croatian lands by the rather popular Christian Socialist ideologue Janez Evangelist Krek about Slovene-Croat fidelity. But because the Slovene People’s Party under the leadership of Ivan Šusteršič indisputably developed into the strongest South Slavic political party in Cisleithania, in the eyes of the Croatian ‘Rightists’ it was also a welcome partner in the struggle to establish Trialism in the south of the Habsburg Monarchy. Slovene national Catholics emphasized the commonality in views between the Slovene Catholic camp and the constitutional programme of the Croatian Party of Right. In this regard, for example, they referred to the decision of the Croatian Sabor (Parliament) of 9 March 1712, in which the Croatian estates accepted the Croatian Pragmatic Sanction under the condition that Croatia would be ruled only by those daughters of the Habsburg dynasty who ruled Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. On the eve of the First World War the Slovene Catholic nationalists with all their effort attempted to tie their party to the ‘Rightists’ in some sort of a Trialist power bloc, so much so that in their statements of party programme they tried to prove the compatibility of Starčević’s ideas with those of Christian democracy. The height of the building of the Slovene-Croat political alliance was undoubtedly the “First Croat-Slovene parliament,” which met on 20 October 1912 in Ljubljana. The assembly was certainly a shining manifestation of Slovene-Croat alliance in the struggle for Trialism, and Mile Starčević and Ivan Šusteršič were selected as co-presidents of the Croat-Slovene Party of Right. Its foundation was personally welcomed, as a sign of South Slavic loyalty to the dynasty, by none other than heir apparent Franz Ferdinand in his memorandum directed to the Emperor and King Franz Joseph. However, the Balkan Wars which broke out that autumn wrecked the optimism of the adherents of Croatian State Right in Ljubljana: Slovene political fate was increasingly becoming subject to the growing activity of Serbian diplomacy, and less so that of cooperation with the programme of the Party of Right.
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Ideološke razlike između milinovačkih i frankovačkih pravaša uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata (1908.–1914.)
Ideološke razlike između milinovačkih i frankovačkih pravaša uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata (1908.–1914.)
(Ideological differences between Mile Starčević’s supporters and Josip Frank’s supporters on the eve of the First World War (1908–1914))
- Author(s):Mislav Gabelica
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Military history, Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Comparative politics, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:283-303
- No. of Pages:21
- Keywords:‘Rightist’ ideology; Austro-Hungarian Monarchy; First World War; frankovci; milinovci;
- Summary/Abstract:The philosophy of Ante Starčević had two components. The national component contained the contention that the Croats were a unique nation, which could not be compared to any other nation. As an expression of this contention ‘Right-ism’ denied the existence of Serbs as a unique nation, believing them to be a mix of various peoples without their own culture or common tradition. The political component of this philosophy taught that Croats, as a unique people, had the right to their own state, by which this component came into conflict with not only Yugoslav or Great Serbian political programs but also with all the programs in the Monarchy which would reduce the Croatian state to a region of either the unified Monarchy or its Hungarian part. At the end of the 19th century, limiting the territory of the Croatian state to the lands that were incorporated into the framework of the Monarchy, ‘Rightism’ recognized the existence of Serbs in lands outside of this framework, tying at the same time their political program unconditionally to the framework of the Monarchy. As a result the ‘Rightists’ viewed the Croato-Hungarian Agreement (Nagodba) and not the Austro-Hungarian Agreement as the main obstacle to the realization of their political program, clearly believing that it was possible to realize the unity of the Croat lands and the full sovereignty of the Croatian state even within Dualism. This assumption was supported by the belief, which was held by the ‘Rightists’ as well as their political opponents on the eve of the First World War, that the key tenets of ‘Rightist’ ideology was the negation of the existence of Serbs in Croatian lands and the negation of the Nagodba. In this period the wing of the Party of Right that was supporting Josip Frank (frankovci) based its work on both of these fundamental tenets of ‘Rightist’ philosophy; even if they were prepared for tactical reasons to accept the legality of the Nagodba, that is to say, at least temporarily suspend their political program. The wing of the party supporting Mile Starčević (milinovci), on the other hand, convinced that the Orthodox population of Croatia might accept the ‘Rightist’ political program, rejected that national component of ‘Rightist’ ideology and recognized the existence of Serbs in Croatian lands. Though Mile Starčević’s followers remained true to the rejection of the Nagodba, they likewise came to reject the legality of the Austro-Hungarian Agreement, attempting to replace the union of the two halves of the Monarchy with a federalist framework. Thus, indeed, they also rejected the political component of ‘Rightist’ ideology.
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Don Ivo Prodan u procijepu između talijanske okupacije i nove jugoslavenske države (1917.–1919.)
Don Ivo Prodan u procijepu između talijanske okupacije i nove jugoslavenske države (1917.–1919.)
(Don Ivo Prodan in the interval between the Italian occupation and the formation of the new Yugoslavian state (1917–1919))
- Author(s):Ante Gverić, Ante Bralić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Military history, Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:305-327
- No. of Pages:23
- Keywords:Ivo Prodan; Party of Right in Dalmatia; Hrvatska kruna; Austro-Hungarian Monarchy; Yugoslavian state;
- Summary/Abstract:Great political events such as was the First World War led to a metamorphosis of the political tenets of Don Ivo Prodan. On the eve of the War he was a vehement opponent of any notion about state unification with Serbia. During the War, and especially towards its end, he accepted the idea of a Yugoslavian state. It must be emphasized that Prodan’s metamorphosis was conditioned upon a radical shift in political circumstances, but it never went so far as to negate the existence of Croatianness. At the moment of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy’s destruction he accepted the idea of forming a Yugoslav state, though he never clearly defined his position on how this new state should be organized. During November 1918 he supported a decentralization of this state and its organization on republican lines, but faced with a growing and more comprehensive Italian occupation in northern Dalmatia he avoided expressing this view and accepted a monarchy under the Karađorđević dynasty. Prodan was far from any notion of an integral Yugoslavism.
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Pravaški župnik Juraj Tomac i seljački vođa Stjepan Radić: prilog povijesti jedne borbe za hrvatsko seljaštvo
Pravaški župnik Juraj Tomac i seljački vođa Stjepan Radić: prilog povijesti jedne borbe za hrvatsko seljaštvo
(‘Rightist’ priest Juraj Tomac and peasant leader Stjepan Radić: a contribution to the history of a struggle for the Croatian peasantry)
- Author(s):Ivica Miškulin
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Politics and religion, Politics and society, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:329-357
- No. of Pages:29
- Keywords:Juraj Tomac; Stjepan Radić; Croatian peasantry; republicanism; clericalism;
- Summary/Abstract:The conflict between Juraj Tomac and Stjepan Radić analyzed in this text had many causes. The first and foremost was determined by their various parties’ differing views of the place and role of the peasantry in political and public life. To the followers of Josip Frank, regardless of what their party was formally called, the Croatian peasantry was only one class within the Croatian nation and it was indivisible from the whole of the Croat political people. Certainly, due to its difficult political and social situation it required particular attention. To the Radić brothers, especially the younger Stjepan, the peasantry was the most important class of the Croatian people, to which, because of its national consciousness and numerical majority, the leading role belonged. Indeed, because of this the Catholic priest Juraj Tomac most oft en pointed out the negative consequence to which this principle of Radić’s could logically lead, a weakening of the ‘Rightist’s’ main goal, that is, the unification and independence of the Croatian lands. An important difference also existed between these men in terms of their views on the political and legal position of the Serbs in the Croatian lands: Tomac often criticized what he felt were Radić’s naïve views on Slavic and South Slavic reciprocity, in which he saw the opportunity for Serbian expansionism. In Monarchist Yugoslavia both of the men found themselves in the same situation, as a result of which Tomac demonstrated his preparedness to recognize the growth in power of Radić’s party. Similarly, Tomac, unlike Radić, demonstrated a higher degree of commitment to his political principles, which was especially obvious after Radić recognized the Monarchy officially. Radić’s pragmatic use of attacks against clericalism was likewise criticized by Tomac; in it he saw nothing more than yet another naïve attempt by Radić to rely on Slavic reciprocity in an attempt to weaken his political opponents. The preference of the Croatian peasantry, mostly because of reasons Tomac could in no way have an influence on, fell on Radić and his party.
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Suradnja Frana Barca s političarima pravaške orijentacije
Suradnja Frana Barca s političarima pravaške orijentacije
(The collaboration between Fran Barac and politicians of the ‘Rightist’ orientation)
- Author(s):Ivica Zvonar
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Comparative politics, 19th Century, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919)
- Page Range:359-385
- No. of Pages:27
- Keywords:Fran Barac; ‘Rightists’; political history; 20th century Croatian history;
- Summary/Abstract:Croatian priest, theologian, and politician Dr. Fran Barac (1872–1940) has to be counted among those prominent individuals attached to the Church who at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century began their work in the social and political life of Croatia. He used his position as a public figure, a professor of the Theological Faculty and Rector of the University of Zagreb, as well as editor of numerous Church publications, to broaden his public activities. During the First World War he actively involved himself in political life as an adherent of Starčević’s Party of Right, but he did so also as a person who enjoyed the confidence of the Archbishop of Zagreb at the time, Antun Bauer. At this time Barac’s political activity was very instrumental as he maintained the link between representatives of some of the political parties in Croatia with the members of the Yugoslav Committee and the representatives of the Serbian government in Switzerland. During the war years Barac took part in a series of meetings with politicians of ‘Rightist’ orientation (V. Spinčić, M. Laginja, A. Pavelić sr., I. Peršić, M. Drinković, and others). He continued his cooperation with pre-War ‘Rightists’ following the war in Monarchist Yugoslavia, working within the framework of the political platforms of the various parties – the Croatian Union and the Croatian Federalist Peasant Party – in whom leading roles were played by former members of the Party of Right (A. Trumbić, M. Drinković, I. Peršić, and others). At the time of the 6th of January dictatorship, Barac’s curia in Zagreb was used to hold political meetings of like-minded politicians in which former members of the Party of Right took part.
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Je li Ivo Pilar bio pravaš?
Je li Ivo Pilar bio pravaš?
(Was Ivo Pilar a ‘Rightist’?)
- Author(s):Stjepan Matković
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919)
- Page Range:387-427
- No. of Pages:41
- Keywords:Ivo Pilar; ‘Rightism’; Croatian politics; historiography;
- Summary/Abstract:Ties between Ivo Pilar and ‘Rightism’ existed at certain historical moments, but from the point of view of his overall ideological profile they were thin. It is hard to establish whether or not he can formally be considered an adherent of ‘Rightism,’ other than that we encounter his name among indirect secondary sources from 1917 and 1918, primarily in certain newspaper articles, where his belonging to the Party of Right is mentioned. As a member of the Croatian National Union he was probably indirectly attached to the Party of Right, that is, towards the end of the First World War, as a member of the circle around the Hrvatski Dnevnik or Stadler’s political group. In any case, we lack the documentary evidence to confirm a formal answer to the question stated in the title, but it is my belief that we should not include Pilar among the ‘Rightists,’ rather we should see him as a prominent individual who during this time period benefitted from his alliance with the ‘Rightists’ due to their complimentary views on the solution to crucial political issues. I am inclined to conclude that Pilar was a rather prolific and influential writer, undoubtedly oriented in favour of Croatian state right, to whom it was clear that despite his personal intellectual abilities he could not independently have a strong influence on the public scene without relying on some party-political organization. Taking into account his familial circumstances and political formation, we can conclude that he was not linked to ‘Rightism.’ The foundation for his evolution was Bosnia and Hercegovina, in which Pilar, like other Croatian politicians from this region, progressively sought out territory on which to cooperate with other prominent parties, and in the first instance this meant from the territory of Croatia-Slavonia, which was the centre of Croatian political life. His assessment of the consequences of the collapse of Austria-Hungary and the predominance of the Serbian factor in the coming Yugoslav formation had a vital impact on his future decisions. In this sense, during this already mature phase of life he leaned toward ‘Rightism’ as the only basis for a wider national movement and an active expression of the desire for independence. ‘Rightism’ was for the most part a natural umbrella for the work of promoting the attitude which made a contribution to overcoming the Dualistic division of the Monarchy, but at the same time an even more pronounced and political basis for opposing certain other ideologies, which strove toward the creation of an integral Yugoslavian state community on the basis of the idea of national oneness. In this direction work toward a combination with ‘Rightism’ took place, but also other Croatian groups and individuals from political life, including the representatives of other South Slav lands, in order to preserve the Monarchy and strengthen its position in South East Europe. Here too Pilar was only one of the protagonists who faithfully believed in the common interests of the Croatian people and the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and on the other hand he feared Croatia’s entry into a narrow union with Serbia. It cannot be said that he was unaware of the negative aspects of the Dualist regime because he wrote about these.
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Nova država, novi putevi (Predratni dalmatinski pravaši u političkim zbivanjima 1918.–1920. godine)
Nova država, novi putevi (Predratni dalmatinski pravaši u političkim zbivanjima 1918.–1920. godine)
(New state, new paths (Dalmatian prewar ‘Rightists’ in the political developments of 1918–1920))
- Author(s):Zdravka Jelaska Marijan
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Comparative politics, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Interwar Period (1920 - 1939)
- Page Range:429-476
- No. of Pages:48
- Keywords:Dalmatia; ‘Rightists’; the politics of national concentration;
- Summary/Abstract:The politics of national concentration in Dalmatia were initiated in 1918 by politicians from the Party of Right, the Croatian Party, and the Serbian Party. Leading roles were played by Ivo Prodan, Juraj Biankini, and Dušan Baljak. But their efforts later proved worthless. At the 2 July 1918 meeting in Split, the notion of national concentration adopted in Croatia-Slavonia by the group around the journal Glas SHS pre-dominated. This notion called for the dissolution of all previous political parties and the creation of a unified National Organization. In time, as the work of the National Organization attempted to remove all elected representatives from the political scene; the movement of national concentration turned into a farce. This situation was made worse because the Dalmatian Sabor was not called to sit. Thus, instead of equitable representation of all the previous political parties, only certain political groups were represented; this became especially evident during the selection of representatives from Dalmatia to the National Council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs in Zagreb. Politicians from the prewar Croatian People’s National Party obtained far greater influence than they would have if more equitable representation had been made. An important role was also played by the ‘Rightist’ dissidents Mate Drinković and Ivo Krstelj. The core members of the Dalmatian Party of Right were ignored even though they were among the first who had voiced their support for the politics of national concentration. The Croatian Party also fared poorly, despite the fact that in prewar election results they were a leading party in the region. Neither did the cooption of certain prominent politicians in the National Council lead to a more equitable representation of delegates from various parties and groups from Dalmatia, while the core of the Dalmatian Party of Rights was totally ignored even then. A lack of consideration for the principle of equitable representation of all political forces was also evident during the creation of the Regional Government for Dalmatia at the beginning of November 1918.
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Starčevićeva hrvatska stranka prava i njezine preoblike (1923.–1928.). Košutić-Mintas-Šafarove frakcije
Starčevićeva hrvatska stranka prava i njezine preoblike (1923.–1928.). Košutić-Mintas-Šafarove frakcije
(Starčević’s Croatian Party of Right and its transformations (1923–1928). Košutić-Mintas-Šafar factions)
- Author(s):Zlatko Matijević
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939)
- Page Range:477-525
- No. of Pages:49
- Keywords:The Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes; Croatian Party of Right; Croatian (Republican) Peasant Party; Croatian Bloc; Starčević’s Croatian Party of Right; Croatian People’s Starčević Party;
- Summary/Abstract:During the parliamentary period of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (1918–1929) there were two groups on the Croatian political stage that went under the name of Starčević’s Croatian Party of Right (SHSP). Following the exclusion of the Croatian Party of Right (frankovci) from the first Croatian Bloc, a group of disaffected members led by Mirko Košutić and Matej Mintas formed the SHSP (1923). The party’s organ was the weekly Hrvatska (Zagreb, 1923-1927). The newly established ‘Starčević’ party supported the politics of Radić’s Croatian Republican Peasant Party. Conflicts within the party led to a split of the SHSP into the Košutić faction and the Mintas-Šafar faction (1925). Both of the factions retained the old party name. Košutić’s faction, who no longer unconditionally supported Radić’s politics, continued to publish Hrvatska. The Mintas-Šafar faction, who remained stead-fast in their support of Radić’s party, began the weekly Slobodna Hrvatska (Zagreb, 1925–1928). At the end of 1926 Košutić changed his party’s name to the Croatian People’s Starčević party, which in a few months time ceased to exist (1927). At the beginning of 1926 the leadership of Mintas’ SHSP was assumed by Milan Šafar, and the following year the party took on the name Croatian Starčević Party under which it continued to operate until Radić’s death in August 1928.
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Žrec muslimanskog starčevićanstva: Munir Šahinović i sarajevska Muslimanska svijest o Anti Starčeviću i pravaštvu (1936.–1938.)
Žrec muslimanskog starčevićanstva: Munir Šahinović i sarajevska Muslimanska svijest o Anti Starčeviću i pravaštvu (1936.–1938.)
(The priest of Muslim ‘Starčevićism:’ Munir Šahinović and the Sarajevo publication Muslimanska svijest on Ante Starčević and ‘Rightism’ (1936–1938))
- Author(s):Zlatko Hasanbegović
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Nationalism Studies, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:527-538
- No. of Pages:12
- Keywords:Islam; Muslims; Bosnia and Hercegovina; Muslimanska svijest; Croatian nationalism; ‘Starčevićism’; Kingdom of Yugoslavia;
- Summary/Abstract:Munir Šahinović Ekremov entered Sarajevo public life at the time of the 6th of January dictatorship as a young participant in the Muslim cultural, national and political scene, formed on the basis of Croatian (‘Rightist’) national thought during the Austro-Hungarian period. He expressed his political-national views in Sarajevo’s Muslimanska svijest (1936–1941), though they can be summarized in two elements: the demand for the indivisibility of Bosnia and Hercegovina and its administrative-political autonomy as long as the Kingdom of Yugoslavia perseveres as well as the promotion of cultural-national and social renewal of the Bosnian-Hercegovinian Muslims on the basis of the symbiosis of Islam and the legacy of Croatian national ‘Starčevićism.’
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Sporovi i rascjepi u obnovljenoj Hrvatskoj stranci prava 1990.–1992.(Pogled iz provincije)
Sporovi i rascjepi u obnovljenoj Hrvatskoj stranci prava 1990.–1992.(Pogled iz provincije)
(Disputes and splits in the renewed Croatian Party of Rights 1990-1992 (View from the province))
- Author(s):Tomislav Jonjić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Government/Political systems, Political behavior, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010)
- Page Range:541-563
- No. of Pages:23
- Keywords:Croatian Party of Rights; political disputes; 1990-1992;
- Summary/Abstract:Kad bi imale tek središnjice ili samo organizacije u glavnome gradu, za političke bi se stranke moglo kazati da gotovo ne postoje. Zato je njihovo širenje i stvaranje stranačke strukture izvan glavnoga grada uvjet njihova postojanja i stvarnoga sudjelovanja u političkome životu. A ipak se historiografski prikazi njihova djelovanja redovito svode na prikaz aktivnosti stranačke središnjice, najčešće aktivnosti samoga stranačkog vodstva. Ako se u kakvoj podrubnoj bilješci i spomenu aspekti stranačkoga djelovanja u pokrajini, onda se to najčešće svede na poneki mršavi podatak o izbornim rezultatima ili na margina-lije koje će javnost zaboraviti za koji dan.
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Béla Lukács und Die Quote Kroatiens, Agram, 1879
Béla Lukács und Die Quote Kroatiens, Agram, 1879
(Béla Lukács und Die Quote Kroatiens, Agram, 1879)
- Author(s):Josef FRANK
- Language:German
- Subject(s):Political history, 19th Century, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919)
- Page Range:567-586
- No. of Pages:20
- Keywords:Béla Lukács und Die Quote Kroatiens;
- Summary/Abstract:„Mag die Richtigstellung der Schlussrechnungen diese Summe nach der einen oder anderen Richtung hin alteriren, an der Thatsache, dass die Quote von 1.9.367.701 % richtig und nach dem Gesetze berechnet ist und dass hiernach Kroatien aufh ört ein „von Ungarn ausgehaltenes Land“ zu sein, vermag sie nichts zu ändern.
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Imensko kazalo
Imensko kazalo
(Index of personal names)
- Author(s):Not Specified Author
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):History
- Page Range:587-598
- No. of Pages:12
Napomena uredništva
Napomena uredništva
(Editor's note)
- Author(s):Not Specified Author
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):History
- Page Range:599-599
- No. of Pages:1
