KOSOVO : sui generis or precedent in international relations
KOSOVO : sui generis or precedent in international relations
Contributor(s): Dušan N. Proroković (Editor)
Subject(s): Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
Published by: Институт за међународну политику и привреду
Keywords: International Relations; Kosovo and Metohija; International Law; Kosovo
Summary/Abstract: The Kosovo question has attracted the widespread attention of researchers, politicians, diplomats and analysts of international relations for more than three decades. as the Kosovo crisis developed in the direction of escalation or de-escalation, thus the issue of Kosovo and Metohija occupied a higher or a lower place on the “ranking list” of the priorities of the international community. nevertheless, it remained on that list permanently. during the observed period, the crisis reached its zenith twice. the first time, in the period 1998-1999, after the escalation of the war in Kosovo and the subsequent NATO aggression on the Federal republic of Yugoslavia. and the second time, in February 2008, when Kosovo Albanians unilaterally declared independence and their decision was soon recognized by dozens of states. on both occasions, numerous questions have been raised in the academic community. However, even today we are still searching for answers.
- Print-ISBN-13: 978-86-7067-249-9
- Page Count: 343
- Publication Year: 2018
- Language: English
KOSOVO AS A PILOT EXPERIENCE OF INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTIONISM
KOSOVO AS A PILOT EXPERIENCE OF INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTIONISM
(KOSOVO AS A PILOT EXPERIENCE OF INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTIONISM)
- Author(s):Beatriz Bissio
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:15-31
- No. of Pages:17
- Keywords:Kosovo; United Nations; sovereignty; self-determination; nonintervention; International Law
- Summary/Abstract:The inviolability of sovereignty is the most important principle of international law. The principle of respect for the territorial integrity of Nation States is stated in Article 2 of the U.N. Charter. This expressly forbids the threat or use of military force against other states or interference in their internal affairs. However, in the last decades, there have been several examples – most of them bloody examples – of the interventions that have been launched and justified in the name of humanitarian reasons. One of the examples of a socalled humanitarian intervention was the one of NATO in Kosovo in 1999, which, although without a previous United Nations’ authorization was considered a legitimate one. Being one of the first examples of such an intervention and having been accepted as legitimate, the Kosovo intervention in some way acted as a pilot experience for the ensuing ones, which took place mainly in Africa and the Middle East. The communication discusses the implications and risks of these violations and disregard for international law present in the global security.
CRIMEA AND KOSOVO: THE BREAKDOWN OF THE POST-COLD WAR EUROPEAN NOMOS
CRIMEA AND KOSOVO: THE BREAKDOWN OF THE POST-COLD WAR EUROPEAN NOMOS
(CRIMEA AND KOSOVO: THE BREAKDOWN OF THE POST-COLD WAR EUROPEAN NOMOS)
- Author(s):Richard Sakwa
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:32-53
- No. of Pages:22
- Keywords:Crimea; Kosovo; nomos; revisionism; neo-revisionism; Russia
- Summary/Abstract:The transfer of Crimea from Ukrainian to Russian jurisdiction in March 2014 has been justified by the antecedent breakdown of authority in Kiev and a popular referendum. Opponents argue that the Crimean referendum was illegal without the sanction of the host state, and the annexation of the territory of another state represents the repudiation of the foundations of the post-war internal order. Kosovo has been used as a precedent in all the discussions. In both the Kosovo and Crimean cases, law and politics combine and collide. For Crimea, the context is the breakdown of the post-Soviet nomos (spatial order) and the broader post-Cold War European security system. Today, all of Europe can be considered to be locked in a protracted (‘frozen’) conflict. In response, Russia became a neorevisionist power, criticising the practices of the Atlantic powers, but not the normative framework of the international system. The repatriation of the territory was a symptom and not the cause of the breakdown of an international legal order. Russia’s actions were not part of a long-term revisionist strategy but represented a revisionist act reflecting anger over events in Kiev and the impasse in European international affairs. The Crimean events are best seen not as a rights-based remedial case, but as part of a geopolitical conjuncture – the continuing failure to achieve a viable and inclusive security order in post-Cold War Europe.
KOSOVO AS A FACTOR OF THE WORLD ORDER CHANGE
KOSOVO AS A FACTOR OF THE WORLD ORDER CHANGE
(KOSOVO AS A FACTOR OF THE WORLD ORDER CHANGE)
- Author(s):Leonid N. Dobrokhotov
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, EU-Legislation
- Page Range:54-65
- No. of Pages:12
- Keywords:Kosovo; separation; world order; Russian-Serbian relations; double standards; territorial integrity; the USSR collapse consequences; right to independence; referendums on independence
- Summary/Abstract:This article examines the role of the USSR and the USA in Yugoslavia collapse and its consequences, compares Kosovo precedent with the ensuing conflicts and investigates the changes and problems Kosovo separation caused. The author explores the effects of different conflicts of recent years, including the USSR collapse, Abkhazia and South Ossetia separation from Georgia, world community’s refusal to recognise Transnistria, the reunion of Crimea with Russia, Ukrainian civil war in Donbass. The findings from the research illustrate how changes in one state’s foreign policy could influence the world order. They also show how serious the consequences of the violation of international law could be and what kind of double standards are used by the USA and its NATO allies. The results of the findings support the prediction that Serbia territorial integrity could be restored afterwards. A critical open question is whether Russia, China, India and their strategic partners have a will to cooperate in ceasing NATO’s regular intervention to one country’s internal affairs.
KOSOVO: A FAILED STATE IN THE HEARTH OF EUROPE
KOSOVO: A FAILED STATE IN THE HEARTH OF EUROPE
(KOSOVO: A FAILED STATE IN THE HEARTH OF EUROPE)
- Author(s):Alexis Troude
- Language:French
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:66-78
- No. of Pages:13
- Keywords:sécession; droits de l’homme; minorités; déstabilisation; mafias; terrorisme;
- Summary/Abstract:Le Kosovo-Métochie, province méridionale de la république de Serbie, est devenu un Etat né d’une sécession. En effet, le 17 février 2008, les autorités provinciales siégeant à Pristina, ont proclamé de façon unilatérale la séparation vis-à-vis de Belgrade. Or dix ans plus tard, force est de constater que le «Kosovo», nom donné par la communauté internationale à ce territoire, est devenu un Etat-failli où les règles les plus élémentaires du droit international ne sont pas respectées. La liberté de circulation, pourtant fondement des droits de l’homme, n’y est pas assurée. C’est aussi le territoire le moins développé et le plus pauvre sur le sol européen. Enfin, les droits des minorités serbe, turque ou gorani n’y sont que partiellement respectés. Pire encore, le «Kosovo» est une région où le crime organisé a pignon sur rue. Plaque tournante en Europe du trafic de drogue, le «Kosovo» est aussi le lieu de départ des marchands d’armes et des proxénètes. Les réseaux mafieux ont gangrené les principales institutions du pays, mettant en danger une population ayant été poussée à l’exil ces dernières années. C’est aussi là où le ratio terroristes/population est le plus important concernant l’Etat islamique. Plusieurs camps d’entraînement, issus des guerres de 1999, sont utilisés par EI. On peut dès lors se demander, à l’heure où l’UE désire s’élargir aux Balkans occidentaux, quels sont les facteurs de déstabilisation engendrés par cet Etatmanqué. Comment l’ordre international va-il pouvoir lutter contre la mafia kosovare? Quels moyens envisager au niveau européen pour résorber le terreau terroriste du Kosovo?
KOSOVO: ‘UNIQUE’ CASES, UNILATERAL ACTIONS AND UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES
KOSOVO: ‘UNIQUE’ CASES, UNILATERAL ACTIONS AND UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES
(KOSOVO: ‘UNIQUE’ CASES, UNILATERAL ACTIONS AND UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES)
- Author(s):Gordon N. Bardos
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:79-88
- No. of Pages:10
- Keywords:Kosovo; Great powers; Balkans; Unique case; sui generis; international law; international relations
- Summary/Abstract:The above analysis has several important implications. Perhaps the most important is the illumination of the fallacy that the position of Washington, London, or Moscow on the Kosovo issue can be reduced to a dispute over abstract points of international law. As most parties involved know but will not openly admit, the Kosovo case is about much, much more than Kosovo independence. Thus, in order to understand what international law can and cannot teach us about this particular problem, and what international and regional organizations can and cannot do about such problems, it is first necessary to understand the motivation and behavior of great powers in such conflicts. Viewed through this lens, many of the arguments in favor of Kosovo independence sustained by the claim that it is a “unique case” become significantly weaker. In the contemporary world there is of course nothing unique about a region or territory aspiring to gain independence from a larger entity or state; Catalonia, Chechnya, the Kurds in Turkey and Iraq, the Palestinians and Israel, Scotland and South Sudan provide just a few examples. Nor is there anything unique about a government using repressive or violent measures to suppress such struggles, as many of the aforementioned cases reveal. As Sumantra Bose has argued, Kosovo is not a unique case, it is a unique solution.
LegaL and poLiticaL aspects of the Kosovo’s uniLateraL decLaration of independence
LegaL and poLiticaL aspects of the Kosovo’s uniLateraL decLaration of independence
(LegaL and poLiticaL aspects of the Kosovo’s uniLateraL decLaration of independence)
- Author(s):Peter Terem, Peter Rosputinský
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:91-107
- No. of Pages:17
- Keywords:Declaration of Independence; Statehood; International Law; Precedent; Sui generis;
- Summary/Abstract:Kosovo declared independence ten years ago. Theorists and representatives of the states still react inconsistently to this act. This is not only proved by Kosovo’s international recognition but also mostly by the fact that Kosovo was not included into the family of nations in form of full membership in international organizations. During these ten years, there were some serious efforts to gain independence, at least in Catalonia, Kurdistan and Scotland. Despite the fact that in these parts of the world Kosovo’s case is well-known, it is not used as an argument in attempts of their statehood. Situations where we may find parallels with Kosovo are two secessions from Georgia. The international community condemned and criticised all these unilateral actions with the aim to create a new state without the consent of territorial sovereignty. Provided that the prevailing position of states towards these cases corresponds to international law, is Kosovo really a precedent? In other words, why is Kosovo’s statehood relative widely accepted, if similar cases are convicted as illegitimate and unlawful? Is this because Kosovo is a sui generis? Strictly speaking, every case in international relations is unique. Subsequently, isn’t it correct to consistently apply the same international legal framework to all cases around the world?
Normative inconsistencies in the state system with speciaL emphasis on internationaL law
Normative inconsistencies in the state system with speciaL emphasis on internationaL law
(Normative inconsistencies in the state system with speciaL emphasis on internationaL law)
- Author(s):Hans Köchler
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:108-136
- No. of Pages:29
- Keywords:international law; international humanitarian law; international criminal law; self-determination; United Nations Charter; Kosovo case
- Summary/Abstract:In order to be perceived as legitimate by those subject to it, a system of legal norms should be free of contradictions. The very idea of justice is incompatible with an erratic interpretation and, subsequently, arbitrary application of norms. Systemic contradictions make actions by state authorities unpredictable. However, at the domestic as well as at the international level, considerations of power and interest have often made of the respective body of norms a “hermeneutical minefield.” The international legal order, in particular, contains contradictions even between the most basic principles such as state sovereignty, self-determination and the rules of international humanitarian law. While at the national level the authority of constitutional courts may help to eliminate contradictions and inconsistencies, there exists, apart from limited regional arrangements, no such separation of powers at the international level. The paper analyzes, inter alia, the systemic, destabilizing impact of normative contradictions in exemplary cases related to the interpretation of the United Nations Charter and the system of international humanitarian and international criminal law.
The right to self-determination and sovereignty over naturaL resources in internationaL law: ranges and limitations
The right to self-determination and sovereignty over naturaL resources in internationaL law: ranges and limitations
(The right to self-determination and sovereignty over naturaL resources in internationaL law: ranges and limitations)
- Author(s):Dragoljub Todić
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:137-169
- No. of Pages:33
- Keywords:international law; right to self-determination; human rights; sovereignty; natural resources; sovereignty over natural resources; decolonisation
- Summary/Abstract:The paper considers international legal aspects of the right to selfdetermination and sovereignty over natural resources. The author starts from the standpoint that the general legal framework for the interpretation and further development of the rules in this sphere can be traced back to the concept of human rights, but that number of new questions have been opened in the so-called postcolonial period. It is pointed to the broader context of the discussion denoting the international legal framework of human rights which are significant for the right to self-determination and sovereignty over natural resources. In the conclusion, the author recognises numerous open issues that make impossible drawing firm conclusions on the nature and ranges of the right to self-determination and sovereignty over natural resources. The conflict of the right to self-determination and territorial integrity of the states, i.e. the question of the right to the secessionist self-determination, remain at the centre of the argument. Apart from this, under the contemporary circumstances, various conditions have contributed to the specific development of the meaning of these legal categories. New circumstances (in comparison to the period of decolonization) conditioned the need for upgrading the existing system of norms of the significance for the right to self-determination. The strengthening of the human rights is one of the possible paths in this area. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination and sovereignty over natural resources remain in the shadow of the political relations in the international community.
Kosovo case and the role of the United Nations
Kosovo case and the role of the United Nations
(Kosovo case and the role of the United Nations)
- Author(s):Dušan N. Proroković, Ivona Lađevac
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:170-183
- No. of Pages:14
- Keywords:Kosovo; UN; UNMIK; USA; EU; international relations
- Summary/Abstract:Kosovo’s unilaterally proclaimed independence in 2008 became one of the most important issues of the international relations. On the one hand, the United States and the key European countries - the United Kingdom, Germany and France – are strongly lobbying other UN members to establish diplomatic relations with the “Republic of Kosovo”, insisting on the thesis that this case is a sui generis case, while, on the other hand, BRIC countries remain the stance that this is a dangerous precedent, setting up its position on the provisions of UNSC Resolution 1244. Considering the role the UN played and is still playing in the course of the development of the Kosovo crisis, this is a specific example. Namely, although the UN was involved in all stages of the Kosovo crisis, they were twice bypassed and harshly ignored. For the first time that happened in 1998, when the US could not get the consent to launch a military action against the FR of Yugoslavia, while the second time it was in 2008 when the United States, Great Britain and France could not provide a change to Resolution 1244 (1999) SC. For this reason, the Kosovo case is more complex than the others, it is deeply internationalized and it is more difficult to solve than some other crises of similar character.
Turkey’s recognition of Kosovo independence and its reLations with Serbia
Turkey’s recognition of Kosovo independence and its reLations with Serbia
(Turkey’s recognition of Kosovo independence and its reLations with Serbia)
- Author(s):Birgül Demirtaş
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:187-207
- No. of Pages:21
- Keywords:Turkey; Kosovo; Serbia; Bosnia-Herzegovina; Balkan
- Summary/Abstract:This paper has two basic aims: First, it seeks to analyse Turkey’s policies toward the Kosovo issue since the early 1990’s. Second, it tries to understand how Turkey’s relations with Kosovo affected its ties with Belgrade, especially after the declaration of independence by Kosovo. While Turkey had pursued a rather cautious policy concerning the independence of Kosovo during the Albanian-Serbian conflict, it extended diplomatic recognition only one day after Kosovo declared independence. Turkish recognition took place at a time when countries like Russia and Serbia were objecting to it and a heavy debate was going on regarding whether the Kosovo independence was in line with the international law. One of the main research questions of this study is why Turkey decided to extend its diplomatic recognition on 18 February 2008. The main argument of the paper is that change in Turkish foreign policy towards Kosovo occurred step by step and did not represent a radical transformation in its foreign policy orientation. The decision-makers in Turkey continued to follow the line of the Western countries in the first decade of the 21st century as it had been the case during the Cold War and in the 1990s. The article makes it clear that Ankara prepared the necessary background for the recognition of Kosovo in the previous years slowly. The main thesis of the paper is that although Ankara’s recognition created a tension in Turkish-Serbian ties, it did not last long. As a result of compartmentalisation of their foreign policies, they learned to cooperate in other fields despite disagreement on the Kosovo issue.
Between domestic politics and internationaL law assessing Romania’s non-recognition policy of Kosovo’s declaration of independence
Between domestic politics and internationaL law assessing Romania’s non-recognition policy of Kosovo’s declaration of independence
(Between domestic politics and internationaL law assessing Romania’s non-recognition policy of Kosovo’s declaration of independence)
- Author(s):Miruna Troncota, Dragoș Ioniță
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:208-238
- No. of Pages:31
- Keywords:Romania; Kosovo; international law; international politics
- Summary/Abstract:The reasons that fundament the non-recognition policy combine elements of domestic politics in specific for each particular state, with a strict interpretation of international law. It is our main aim to test this assumption in the case of Romania’s official positions (as expressed by President, Prime-Minister or Minister of Foreign Affairs) and its evolution in the last 10 years. For this purpose, we use discourse analytical tools to map the main types of arguments used by Romanian political actors in order to justify their firm position, despite external pressure and the EU integration process that defined a set of tailor-made tools for Kosovo. The following chapter will analyse the case of Romania, a country that became a member of the European Union (EU) in 2007 and ever since 2008 has preserved its policy of non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence by not aligning to the EU position on this matter. We tried to focus on the main arguments presented by Romanian political and diplomatic representatives in the last decade in the public space. As an illustration of the ways politics and law are deeply entwined in contemporary international relations, the main aim of the chapter is to identify the most important patterns in justifying Romania’s position in parallel with Kosovo’s process of the EU integration that has evolved significantly in the last 10 years.
PОSITION OF LATIN AMERICA TOWARDS KOSOVO
PОSITION OF LATIN AMERICA TOWARDS KOSOVO
(PОSITION OF LATIN AMERICA TOWARDS KOSOVO)
- Author(s):Lidija Kos-Stanišić, Đana Luša
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:239-259
- No. of Pages:21
- Keywords:humanitarian intervention; self-determination; recognition; Kosovo; Latin America
- Summary/Abstract:The paper problematizes relation between Latin American states’ position on NATO intervention in Yugoslavia and the recognition of Kosovo’s independence. It analyses the position of five major regional players: Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, Chile, Venezuela and Bolivia, as well as the particularity of Suriname, which recognized Kosovo and then overturned the recognition a year later. Particularly the concept of humanitarian intervention and the right of self-determination is problematized in relation to different policies of Latin American states and their bilateral relations with the United States.
KOSOVO VS REPUBLIC OF SRPSKA – AN INTERNATIONAL DOUBLE STANDARDS GAME
KOSOVO VS REPUBLIC OF SRPSKA – AN INTERNATIONAL DOUBLE STANDARDS GAME
(KOSOVO VS REPUBLIC OF SRPSKA – AN INTERNATIONAL DOUBLE STANDARDS GAME)
- Author(s):Miloš Šolaja
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:260-272
- No. of Pages:13
- Keywords:Republic of Srpska; Kosovo; independence; differences; polity
- Summary/Abstract:A self-declaration of independence of Kosovo adopted by its Assembly on February 17th, 2008, directed the attention of the international community to the Republic of Srpska, the semi-independent state-shaped ‘entity’ in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to often openly expressed possibilities to declare either independence or unification with Serbia, political activities of the Republic of Srpska became the subject of careful observation of the Western countries and international organizations. All powerful and influential international actors unequivocally rejected any thoughts of the Republic of Srpska’s independence while explaining the unilateral declaration of Kosovo independence as a ‘sui generis’ case. International stakeholders relations with both political entities maintained the stance that both entities have some similarities but also differences. This work will compare both considerations - political and international approach, as well as the intentions of actors. The analysis will show the opposite state-building processes and radically diverse international relations towards each of them, which may be dubbed as “double standards”. The Western group of countries which represented the mainstream of International Community approach did not support the Republic of Srpska at the time of its establishment and later on. Relations to Kosovo were different from the very beginning of the Yugoslav crisis. Even while it was still part of Yugoslavia, Kosovo had the support from the Western countries. That support had been present not only when the act of independence was adopted but also continued after it. The Western countries did not support the establishment of the Republic of Srpska. Kosovo, however, was a different case.
CATALONIA AND KOSOVO CASES (COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS)
CATALONIA AND KOSOVO CASES (COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS)
(CATALONIA AND KOSOVO CASES (COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS))
- Author(s):Kaloyan Metodiev
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
- Page Range:273-298
- No. of Pages:26
- Keywords:Kosovo; Catalonia; Catalonian crisis; separatism; independence
- Summary/Abstract:The aim of this text is to compare the cases of Catalonia and Kosovo in terms of their separatism. The paper is organized according to the model of point-by-point comparison. The time span of the research extends from the end of the Second World War until the end of 2017. The main working argument is that the two cases have some similarities, but also a lot of crucial differences. The comparison between Kosovo and Catalonia cases shows that there are a lot of similarities but the differences prevail. The aims of both proindependence movements are the same, but the used methods, economic and social potential, main political actors who are involved (regionally and globally), international realities are quite opposite.
THE END OF DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION IN KOSOVO: DOES THE MEANING OF THE POPULATION FACTOR CHANGE?
THE END OF DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION IN KOSOVO: DOES THE MEANING OF THE POPULATION FACTOR CHANGE?
(THE END OF DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION IN KOSOVO: DOES THE MEANING OF THE POPULATION FACTOR CHANGE?)
- Author(s):Vladimir Nikitović
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, International Law, Civil Society, Governance, Public Administration, Demography and human biology
- Page Range:299-320
- No. of Pages:22
- Keywords:fertility transition; migration cycle concept; population projection; Kosovo; demographic change
- Summary/Abstract:Political issues in Kosovo were strongly related to its population dynamics during the twentieth century, above all due to the “demographic explosion” induced by the huge lag in fertility transition if compared to the rest of Europe. However, soon after the turn of the century, the total fertility rate in Kosovo has dropped to about the replacement level (2.1 children per woman), which, along with permanent migration outflows since the 1990s, indicates a new demographic era in sight. Using the recent evidence on demographic and migration trends supported by the updated theoretical considerations in the framework of demographic transition and the migration cycle concept, we examine the key demographic implications that could be expected in light of assumed population dynamics in Kosovo over the next decades. The effects of the demographic momentum (population increase purely on account of the young age structure) reduced by the negative impact of emigration could expire up to 2035-40. As a result, the decreasing and ageing population could become a highly probable future of Kosovo in just 20-25 years, indicating the tremendous reversal could happen in the perception of the population factor in this territory from the viewpoint of political and security issues in the region.
ECONOMIC (UN)SUSTAINABILITY OF THE KOSOVO AND METOHIJA ECONOMY
ECONOMIC (UN)SUSTAINABILITY OF THE KOSOVO AND METOHIJA ECONOMY
(ECONOMIC (UN)SUSTAINABILITY OF THE KOSOVO AND METOHIJA ECONOMY)
- Author(s):Milenko U. Dželetović
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, National Economy, International Law
- Page Range:321-343
- No. of Pages:23
- Keywords:Kosovo and Metohija; sustainable development; privatization; employment; corruption; direct foreign investment; trade deficit
- Summary/Abstract:While thinking about the region at the crossroads of the East and the West, which has experienced wars, hyperinflation during the last twentyfive years, facing the economic problems under neoliberal and transitional conditions, unsuccessful attempts and failed privatizations, incompetent institutions, one wonders what the present generations will leave to the future ones. Southeast Europe or the Western Balkans is the region of small markets with unstable economies. The economic sustainability of each individual country in Southeast Europe is fragile. The best example of an unsustainable economy is a self-proclaimed state of Kosovo. After the independence proclamation euphoria, which has lasted for almost ten years, Kosovo is currently facing the unsustainability of the whole economic system.
