Dvadeset godina od Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma - trajni mir ili trajni izazovi?
Twenty Years since the Dayton Peace Agreement - A Lasting Peace or Permanent Challenges?
Contributor(s): Dragan Živojinović (Editor), Stevan Nedeljković (Editor), Milan Krstić (Editor)
Subject(s): Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Governance, International relations/trade, Inter-Ethnic Relations
Published by: Fakultet političkih nauka Univerziteta u Beogradu
- Page Count: 183
- Publication Year: 2016
- Language: Serbian
Dugo putovanje u Dejton: međunarodne inicijative za mirno okončanje oružanih sukoba u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1992. do 1994. godine
Dugo putovanje u Dejton: međunarodne inicijative za mirno okončanje oružanih sukoba u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1992. do 1994. godine
(The Long Road to Dayton: International Peace Initiatives in Bosnia and Herzegovina Armed Conflict from 1992 to 1994)
- Author(s):Marko Dašić, Stevan Nedeljković
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):International relations/trade, Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:11-30
- No. of Pages:20
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; Yugoslav crisis; London conference on Former Yugoslavia; Vance-Owen Peace Plan; Owen-Stoltenbegr Plan; contact Group; International mediation
- Summary/Abstract:Even today, 20 years after Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina hasn‘t become democratic, stable, and built on european values state. We can state the same for Bosnian civil society. Fragments of nationalism and legacy of the Yugoslav wars are most visible in the Balkan country. “Yugoslavia in miniature” resits reforms that take into account contemporary international and european relations. The road to the Dayton Peace Agreement was long and characterized by concomitant use of diplomacy and military force, but also the failure of international community. Repeated diplomatic efforts by European community, and then with United States jointly, through institutionalized forms of international organization (UN, NATO, cScE), informal (contact Group), and ad hoc incurred for the former Yugoslavia (International conference on the Former Yugoslavia) failed to stop armed conflicts and to impose peace. The authors of this paper examine all relevant international initiatives undertaken since 1992 to 1994 with the aim of preventing the war in BiH and, also the causes and consequences of their failure. Simultaneously, attention has been given, at certain places, to inner political changes in BiH that we have identified for critical distortionary factors of achieving peace. Finally, we provide a look at the implications of (un)solved Yugoslav crisis for the former Yugoslav republics.
Bosna i Hercegovina i međnarodni sistem u kontekstu 20-godišnjice Dejtonskog sporazuma
Bosna i Hercegovina i međnarodni sistem u kontekstu 20-godišnjice Dejtonskog sporazuma
(Bosnia-Herzegovina and The International System in the Context of the 20th Anniversary of Dayton Agreement)
- Author(s):Dejan Jović
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):International relations/trade, Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:33-52
- No. of Pages:20
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; Dayton Peace Agreement; sovereignty; international system; dissolution of Yugoslavia
- Summary/Abstract:Twenty years after the Dayton Peace Agreement peace has been preserved in Bosnia and Herzegovina, although there is a strong feeling of discontent with the internal structure established in Dayton. This paper explains why Dayton Agreement constructed Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state with absolute external, but considerably limited internal sovereignty. The limitation of internal sovereignty is a consequence of the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina did not manage to preserve its stability during the dissolution of Yugoslavia (1991–1992) and consequently ended in a war (1992–1995) threathening regional and international security. This war challenged the establishment of the unilateral order, therefore the United States of America had to intervene in order to save its hegemonic status. Bosnia and Herzegovina was only to some degree constructed as a state – without full internal sovereignty. It was constructed also as a framework within which an international intervention is necessary in order to prevent a renewal of hostilities. Therefore, even 20 years after 1995, survival and structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina are highly dependent on the character of international system and the continuity of hegemonic position of the United States of America in the Balkans. The paper analyses options which Bosnia and Herzegovina would have if international system changes. Reasons for which major internal changes are impossible are also analysed. Bosnia and Herzegovina lacks sufficient consensus between main domestic actors, while the chances for a construction of common identity (Bosnian-Herzegovinian Us) are small due to essential weakness of the concept of Other in this case. Furthermore, prospects for more significant changes – even those which would lead to greater stability or integration – remain limited because Bosnia and Herzegovina was not meant to be a state with internal sovereignty.
Bosna i Hercegovina na savremenom geopolitičkom razmeđu: Tri unutrašnja viđenja
Bosna i Hercegovina na savremenom geopolitičkom razmeđu: Tri unutrašnja viđenja
(Bosnia and Herzegovina on the Contemporary Geopolitical Crossroads: Three Internal Views)
- Author(s):Dragan Đukanović
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):International relations/trade, Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:53-67
- No. of Pages:15
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; Bosniaks; Serbs; croats; European integration; Turkey; Russia; NATO; federalism
- Summary/Abstract:The author analyzes the current political developments in Bosnia– Herzegovina, as well as different views on the future constitution of the country that have the local (ethno) national elites of Bosniaks, croats and Serbs. In this sense, the author states that there are certain indications that the announced reform of the constitutional system of one of Bosnian entities – the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina carried out so as to form a “mega–cantons“. That will actually realized by the domination of ethnic principle and would be completed the same process initiated by the Dayton Peace Accords (1995). Special emphasis in this analysis, the author puts the external influence of the European Union, the Russian Federation and Turkey to Bosnian political leaders. In this sense, he nevertheless concludes that “European path“ of Bosnia–Herzegovina will be accelerating, but also that Turkey and Russia will try to preserve strengthened impact in the region of the Western Balkans.
Efekti Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma
Efekti Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma
(Effects of the Dayton Peace Agreement)
- Author(s):Jasminka Simić
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):International relations/trade, Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:69-85
- No. of Pages:17
- Keywords:Dayton Peace Agreement; Bosnia & Herzegovina; Entities; EU; NATO; EUFOR Althea; High Representative
- Summary/Abstract:The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H), also known as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) was reached in the US air military base Wright-Peterson in Dayton-Ohio on 21 November 1995, and formally signed in Paris on 14 December 1995. The signing of the DPA formally marked the end of the fouryear war in B&H, whereas the country was divided into two Entities: a Muslim-croat Federation of Bosnia & Herzegovina and the Republic of Srpska. The DPA establishes the international military and civilian presence to oversee the implementation of the peace agreement, and lays the foundation for the society and state building in B&H in a time of peace. Analysis of the effects of the DPA over the last twenty years at the national, regional and international levels, shows that the peace agreement has helped maintain peace in B&H and achieve some degree of political normalization and economic cooperation among the countries in the region, and that the continuity of NATO after the end of the cold War has been justified (“the electricity effect on NATO”). Furthermore, by ceding command to the EU, the NATO has contributed to the strengthening a common Foreign and Security Policy for the European Union. The process of EU approximation is an opportunity for B&H and other countries in the region for a qualitative expansion of the DPA, based on the assumption that the international military and civilian presence in B&H will come to an end, and that the Entities will support democratic and economic consolidation of internal policies and better bilateral relations with the neighbors, in particular with the Republic of croatia and the Republic of Serbia.
Dejtonski veto igrači u političkom sistemu Bosne i Hercegovine
Dejtonski veto igrači u političkom sistemu Bosne i Hercegovine
(Dayton-Established Veto Players in the Political System of Bosnia and Herzegovina)
- Author(s):Dejan D. Bursać
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):International relations/trade, Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:87-99
- No. of Pages:13
- Keywords:Dayton; Dayton Agreement; Bosnia and Herzegovina; veto players; George Tsebelis; legislative process; stability; institutions
- Summary/Abstract:Author is examining the constellation of veto players in the political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina through the analysis of institutions formed by the Dayton Peace Agreement, more precisely by its Fourth Annex: The constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The creators of this document, having in mind the need for ethnic balance in the peace-building process, established complex internal institutional structure and complicated set of procedures. During the course of this research, the number, relations and other features of veto players are established on the basis laid in the works of American political scientist George Tsebelis. He researched the impact of veto players on legislative status quo, and, subsequently, on policy stability. It should be emphasized that our paper will primarily focus on institutional veto players established by the Dayton Agreement, but nevertheless we will also shortly examine other actors that do not necessarily derive from the peace process, such as political parties. The application of veto players’ theory can be used not just in the assessment of stability, efficiency and persistence of the “Dayton system” in Bosnia and Herzegovina in general, but also more narrowly – in the analysis of singular institutional solutions created by the 1995 peace agreement.
Implikacije Dejtonskog sporazuma na partijski sistem Bosne i Hercegovine
Implikacije Dejtonskog sporazuma na partijski sistem Bosne i Hercegovine
(Implications of Dayton Agreement on the Party System of Bosnia and Herzegovina)
- Author(s):Despot Kovačević
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Governance, Public Administration, International relations/trade
- Page Range:101-114
- No. of Pages:14
- Keywords:political parties; party system; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Dayton Agreement
- Summary/Abstract:The political processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina are taking place under the influence of the institutional framework imposed by the Dayton Agreement. In the field of political processes most important actors are political parties that actually lead these processes. The party system in Bosnia and Herzegovina was constructed through the provisions of the Dayton Agreement and all the implications that it has on the political system, in fact are the result of the Dayton Agreement. Formal and informal patterns of behavior of political actors and political parties are directly aimed at achieving the objectives agreed upon in Dayton. The situation where political processes are taking place has a democracy deficit, but also the expediency in keeping peace in post-conflict society of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Da li je "Rambuje" bio bolji od "Kumanova"? Uporedna sektorska analiza bezbednosnih rizika po Republiku Srbiju i srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji
Da li je "Rambuje" bio bolji od "Kumanova"? Uporedna sektorska analiza bezbednosnih rizika po Republiku Srbiju i srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji
(Was the Rambouillet Agreement a Better Solution Than the Kumanovo Agreement? Comparative Sectorial Analysis of Security Risks to the Republic of Serbia and Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija)
- Author(s):Milan Krstić
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):International relations/trade, Security and defense, Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:117-141
- No. of Pages:25
- Keywords:Kosovo; Rambouillet Agrement; Kumanovo Agreement; security; Republic of Serbia; Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija
- Summary/Abstract:This paper compares security consequences of the solutions for Kosovo crisis from June 1999 (Military-Technical Agreement signed in Kumanovo and United Nations Security council Resolution 1244) with potential consequences of the draft agreement proposed in Rambouillet and Paris in February and March 1999, which Serbian (FRY) delegation refused to sign. The paper conducts comparative analysis of security risks to two referent objects: 1) the Republic of Serbia; 2) Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohija. Analytical framework used for this paper derives from the copenhagen School of security studies and it measures security dynamics in five different sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal security). The main thesis of this article is that solutions from Rambouillet contained significantly less risk to security of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in almost all of the sectors, while in the terms of security of the Republic of Serbia, both solutions had approximately equal degree of risks. The only exception was the societal sector, where solutions from June 1999 were less risky and therefore more acceptable for Serbia.
Ohridski sporazum - Instrument za kreireanje binacionalne države umesto integrisanog demokratskog društva
Ohridski sporazum - Instrument za kreireanje binacionalne države umesto integrisanog demokratskog društva
(Ohrid Framework Agreement - An Instrument for Creation Bi-National State Rather Than an Integrated Democratic Society)
- Author(s):Mitko Arnaudov
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Public Administration, International relations/trade, Inter-Ethnic Relations
- Page Range:143-158
- No. of Pages:16
- Keywords:Ohrid Framework Agreement; Republic of Macedonia; Macedonians; Albanians; conflict; Bi-nationality; Ethnic minorities
- Summary/Abstract:After the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, croatia and Kosovo, nor Republic of Macedonia has failed to keep his inner provisional peace that was constantly brought into question during the nineties. At the beginning of XXI century in this country woke up the old spirit of hostility between Macedonians and Albanians which has escalated into armed conflict. Thanks to the strong political and diplomatic intervention by the international representatives, war activities were stopped and thus prevented the expansion of hostilities throughout the whole territory of Macedonian state and commencement of a new civil war in the Western Balkans. Signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement was the condition for establishment a final peace. With this agreement Republic of Macedonia became a state whose statehood, according to the letter of the constitution, is in the hands of its citizens. content of the Ohrid Agreement is a basis for creation multinational, multicultural and integrated macedonian state. Unfortunately, actual situation in this country does not at all reflect multiethnicity and integration of the Macedonian society. After the conflict with ethnic Albanian rebels and after signing of Ohrid Framework Agreement, Republic of Macedonia has started its future way through adoption of binational characteristics and creation an atmosphere of parallel societies within it. Macedonian and Albanian communities live in common state, but in contrary to the provisions of the Ohrid Agreement and constitution, do not tend for creation mutual integration and adoption of common values and interests.
Saradnja ili ništa: Berlinski proces kao put ka desekuritizaciji i evropeizaciji Balkana
Saradnja ili ništa: Berlinski proces kao put ka desekuritizaciji i evropeizaciji Balkana
(Cooperation or Nothing: "Berlin Process" as a Path Toward the Securitisation and Europeanisation of the Balkans)
- Author(s):Petar Marković, Stefan Vukotić
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):International relations/trade, EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment
- Page Range:159-174
- No. of Pages:16
- Keywords:Western Balkans; Balkan Process; regional integration; Europeanization; conditionality
- Summary/Abstract:Croatia’s accession to the EU came at an important price of doing away with the problematic practices from the past, but the other countries may have more difficulties doing that on their own, not least because the majority of their weaknesses underlined in EU country reports are common and can best be solved by working together. The recently launched “Berlin Process” – a regional initiative focusing on closer multilateral cooperation in the Western Balkans with a view to prospective EU accession – set to provide one such framework for concerted regional problem-solving. This paper opens with an analysis of the current regional state of play, followed by a projection of the prospective outcomes of the cooperation within the Process. A loose, non-state, non-Yugoslav, union in which they would join forces to enhance their economies, markets, education, health, etc. and also eradicate the criminal syndicates and inherent graft that has been eating away at them at least since the 1990s. In order to scrutinise the possible impact and scope of the initiative at hand, the paper endorses theories of neo-functionalism, Europeanisation and the Regional Security complex.
Komplet prve pomoći: Srbija na putu ka EU
Komplet prve pomoći: Srbija na putu ka EU
(First Aid Kit: Serbia on Its Path to EU)
- Author(s):Stefan Ubiparipović
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):International relations/trade, EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment
- Page Range:177-183
- No. of Pages:7
