Срби и Југославија. Држава, друштво, политика
Serbs and Yugoslavia. State, Society, Politics
Contributor(s): Zoran Janjetović (Translator), Momčilo Isić (Editor), Momčilo Mitrović (Editor), Radmila Radić (Editor), Vera Gudac-Dodić (Editor), Vladimir Lj. Cvetković (Editor)
Subject(s): Politics, History, Philosophy, Social Sciences, Education, Sociology, Economic history, Political history, Social history, Recent History (1900 till today), Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Post-War period (1950 - 1989), Ethnic Minorities Studies
Published by: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije
Keywords: Yugoslavia; Serbia; Serbs; Kingdom of Yugoslavia; Kingdom of SHS; society; state; politics; economy; agriculture; inter-ethnic relations; ethnic minorities; communism; education; World Wars; inter-war and post-war period;
Summary/Abstract: Скоро вековно егзистирање Србије у заједничкој југословенској држави намеће потребу дугорочног и мултидисци пли нарног истраживања положаја Србије, а онда и српског народа у осталим деловима заједничке државе. Сарадници Института за новију историју Србије, прво радом на пројекту Историја српског народа, а затим и на пројекту Срби и распад Југославије извршили су бројна истраживања друштвених, економских, кул турних, просветних, верских и политичких прилика у Србији за време југословенске државе. Рeзултат тога су бројни чланци, ра справе и студије у домаћим и страним часописима и зборни ци ма, као и велики број монографских издања, од којих се већина налази и у најреномиранијим европским библиотекама. [...]
- Print-ISBN-13: 978-86-7005-055-6
- Page Count: 395
- Publication Year: 2007
- Language: Serbian
Од Србије до Србије
(From Serbia to Serbia)
- Author(s):Momčilo Isić
- Subject(s):Civil Society, Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), Government/Political systems, Sociology of Politics, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:13-44
- No. of Pages:32
- Keywords:Serbia; Kingdom of SHS; Yugoslavia; Republic; Autonomous Provinces;
- Summary/Abstract:Unlike most other countries in Europe, Serbia changed several times and considerably its borders, territory as well as its status during 20th century. It almost doubled its territory after the Balkan Wars. From being an independent and internationally recognized nation, the largest country in the Balkan Peninsula and a war victor, it willingly switched to being only a province of the newly founded Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia after the end of the First World War, losing eventually even that status, by ceasing to exist as an administrative and geographical entity. After the end of the People’s Liberation Struggle and the Socialist Revolution, it became a unifi ed area again as People’s/Socialist Republic of Serbia, a federal unit within the Yugoslav federation – although with drastically changed territory. Namely, the Republic of Macedonia was carved out of the Southern Serbia, but the Vojvodina (Syrmium, the Banat and the Batcha) were added to Serbia. The New Serbia was not only internationally unrecognized (not being an independent state), but was not even a completely integrated administrative and territorial area, since the Republic of Serbia comprised two autonomous provinces – the Autonomous Province of the Vojvodina and the Autonomous Kosovo-Metohija Region, later called the Autonomous Province of Kosovo. After the constitutional amendments in the late 1960s, and particularly after the Constitution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia of 1974, both became de facto quasi-republics, as constituent members of the Federation. With the break-up of Yugoslavia, Serbia together with the Republic of Montenegro, founded a new federal entity in 1992, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and in 2003 the State Community of Serbia and Montenegro, only to become an independent state again after the declaration of Montenegrin independence, in the follow-up to the referendum in that republic in May 2006. So it took 88 years to come from Serbia to Serbia.
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Подела Краљевине Југославије 1941. године у светлу међународног права
(Partition of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1941, according to International law)
- Author(s):Dragan Aleksić
- Subject(s):International Law, Political history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:45-60
- No. of Pages:16
- Keywords:April War; Kingdom of Yugoslavia; partition of Serbia; occupation; International law;
- Summary/Abstract:Main problem of research is effort of Germany to break Kingdom of Yugoslavia and to present splitting of its territory like a legitimate act in accordance to rules of international law. Intensive diplomatic activity made by Nazis after the military overthrow in Belgrade, March 27th 1941. Point has been made on failure of German diplomacy in their efforts to acquire Vlatko Maček, leader of the strongest political party in Croatia, to make the secession of Banovina Hrvatska, which would give Axis reason for aggression. Characteristic examples of political opportunism, in which base was politic of non-confronting to Germany, are shown by USSR and Vatican, that didn’t even react about splitting of Yugoslavia, although they had diplomatic relationship with her, on embassy level. Negation of Yugoslavian state existence in period after April 18th 1941, although the internal act have been accepted only by the Axis and their satellites, the Nazis were trying to make legally stronger, by giving state attributes to Independent state of Croatia (NDH), and by involvement of this state among Axis. Condition of occupied Serbia is shown only in fi rst faze of occupation, in time of commissary rule by Milan Aćimović, when occupation goverment, in basics, respected main rules of occupation doctrine, accepted in international law.
- Price: 4.00 €
Васељенска патријаршија, Српска православна црква и црквене реформе између два светска рата
(The Ecumenical Patriarchy, the Serbian Orthodox Church and Church Reforms Between the Two World Wars)
- Author(s):Radmila Radić
- Subject(s):Political history, Politics and religion, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), Eastern Orthodoxy, Sociology of Religion, History of Religion
- Page Range:63-101
- No. of Pages:39
- Keywords:Kingdom of SHS/Yugoslavia; Serbian Orthodox Church; Ecumenical Patriarchy; church reforms;
- Summary/Abstract:The demands for reforms in many matters occurred in the Orthodox Churches after the First World War. One of the most important of them was the matter of the calendar. Representatives of the Ecumenical Patriarchy were leading proponents of the reformist tendencies within Orthodoxy. This was a direct consequence of the political changes in Turkey in 1920s. They convened an all-Orthodox congress in Constantinople in 1923, which was attended also by the representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church. Neither all Orthodox Churches nor the majority of their representatives were represented at the congress, so its legitimacy soon became disputed. The decisions which were reached were not put to practice by most Orthodox Churches, and even where they were, it was not done in the same way, which led to serious splits within the Orthodox world. Although it had its representatives at the congress, the Serbian Orthodox Church did not apply its decisions (the calendar, the second marriage of priests etc.). Diverging opinions about the congress’s decisions caused serious polemics among theologians and priests in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Attempts at solving the questions which divided the orthodox world at the ecumenical congress yielded no results until the Second World War, and they remained open even later.
- Price: 6.00 €
Жена и породица у Србији у другој половини 20. века
(Women and the Family in Serbia in the Second Half of 20th Century)
- Author(s):Vera Gudac-Dodić
- Subject(s):Social history, Gender history, Culture and social structure , Social development, Social differentiation, Rural and urban sociology, Post-War period (1950 - 1989)
- Page Range:102-117
- No. of Pages:16
- Keywords:Serbia; woman; family; marriage; gender equality; urbanization;
- Summary/Abstract:Modernization measures of the socialist state and the changes occurring within the family after the Second World War influenced the situation of women and were reflected in their lives. The situation of women was strongly influenced by full legal equality between men and women, extended education and increased economic independence based on the fact that the proportion of employed women was much larger than previously. The process of family nuclearization, liberalization of divorce and the possibility of birth control were also important determinants of the status of women in socialism. All this did not suffice to completely overcome traditional ways of thinking about female being and social function, to overcome the traditional values and change the deep ingrained roles of man and woman within the family. Women still did most of the housework, and they took unto themselves care of children, even when they were employed. Despite all the changes which took place during the after-war years, the perceptible differences that marked the ways of living of men and women in town and in the country in the inter-war period were not disposed of. The system of norms and behaviour typical for patriarchal ideology was more important and exercised greater influence in the country than in towns and cities. Many signs point to the fact that the modernization process of rural families and changes within them are neither clear-cut nor that they completely overcame the patriarchal system. Together with pronounced differences in the status and way of life of women in urban and rural areas, in various types of families, with the echo of emancipation on the one hand, and the strong influence of tradition on the other, as well as with all the changes which came about during the socialist modernization, female inferiority remained a constant, particularly within the framework of traditional family roles.
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Националне мањине у очима српске елите 1918–1941.
(National Minorities in the Eyes of the Serbian Elite 1918–1941)
- Author(s):Zoran Janjetović
- Subject(s):Social history, Culture and social structure , Social differentiation, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), Ethnic Minorities Studies
- Page Range:118-143
- No. of Pages:26
- Keywords:Kingdom of SHS; Yugoslavia; Serbia; national minorities;
- Summary/Abstract:The paper deals with the picture of members of various peoples which would become national minorities in Yugoslavia after WWI: Albanians, Turks, Romanians, Vlachs, Magyars, Germans, Slovaks, Ruthenians and Jews. The author analyzes the works of the Serbian writers, historians and politicians who dealt with these nationalities, ascribing them various characteristics. He tries to establish continuities and discontinuities in the “picture of the others” before and after the creation of Yugoslavia and to explain why they came about. The Serbian authors saw Albanians and partly Hungarians too, as peoples with worst characteristics, ascribing to them at the same time predominantly Serb origin. Both were seen as latecomers. Albanians were seen as savages, and Magyars as a “patchwork of peoples”. The Romanians were above all credited with great assimilationist power, but were also labeled recent newcomers in Serbia and the Banat. So were Germans. They, together with Slovaks and Ruthenians were seen as hard working and thrifty, and therefore as an economic threat to Serbs. The Jews were usually depicted in the tradition of European Anti-Semitism, with an anti-Hungarian tinge, added after WWI. The animosity toward Turks cooled down already before WWI. Between the two world wars, they were even credited with some sympathetic traits – stemming from necessities of domestic and foreign policy.
- Price: 5.00 €
Грађани Совјетског савеза у саставу немачких oкупационих снага у Србији и Југославији 1943–1945.
(Soviet Citizens in the German Occupation Forces in Serbia and Yugoslavia 1943–1945)
- Author(s):Aleksej J. Timofejev
- Subject(s):Civil Society, Military history, Political history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:144-160
- No. of Pages:17
- Keywords:Soviet Union; Yugoslavia; Serbia; World War Two; collaboration; Кozacs;
- Summary/Abstract:Due to the centrifugal forces immanent to every multinational state, the red terror, forced collectivisation, dictatorship of bureaucratic apparatus and poor living standards, part of the Soviet citizens took up arms and fought on the side of Nazi Germany. The number of armed collaborationists in the USSR totaled 1.2 million. After Hitler’s order of October 10, 1943 eastern batallions were transferred to France, Italy and the Balkans. Slavic (cossac), Turkestani and Caucassian units were sent to the Balkans, being the largest and the best suited for combating the partisans. These were the notorious Caucassian “Bergmann” Unit, the I/125th and 814th Armenian batallions, 842nd and 843rd North-Caucassian semi-batallions, 162nd Turkestani Division , the strong 1st Cossac Division of general von Pannwitz which was transformed into the 15th Cossac Cavalery Corps. The Germans did not deploy the Turkestani and Caucassian units only for fighting the partisans. After the withdrawal from the territory of the USSR they turned the West-Balkans into a concentration center for all kinds of their abbettors. The third reason for bringing these troops to Yugoslavia was combined with the attempt at utylizing these numerous newcomers from the USSR for anti-Communist propaganda.
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Пољопривреда јужне Србије у југословенским оквирима 1918–1929.
(Agriculture in South Serbia Within the Yugoslav Framework 1918–1929)
- Author(s):Vladan Z. Jovanović
- Subject(s):National Economy, Agriculture, Economic history, Economic policy, Economic development, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939)
- Page Range:163-180
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:Kingdom of SHS; Yugoslavia; Serbia; agriculture; peasantry;
- Summary/Abstract:The long Ottoman rule turned the territory of the Old Serbia and Macedonia into an economically extremely passive area. Although conditions for more free flow of goods and capital were created after the liberation, remnants of the feudal system and neglected agriculture aggravated by wartime devastations of 1912–1918, were felt in the later decades too. For that reason the attempt of the Yugoslav state to put an end to the economic depression called for a more comprehensive action. Lack of an adequate legal framework, monetary chaos, feudal mentality, primitive agriculture and semi-nomadic cattle-breeding, anahronistic transportation infrastructure, demographic instability of the region and poor security – were only some of the circumstances which nailed this province to the very bottom of all statistical presentations of the interwar Yugoslav economy. The evident economic lagging behind of the development of the Southeast of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as compared to the rest of the state, was caused by several more unpropitious factors: constant splitting of land possessions, slow recovery and inadequate war indemnification, destimulating customs policy, bad credit conditions etc. The state of agriculture of Southern Serbia was illustrated by statistical surveys and the so-called index of economic strength which was deemed a relevant measure of economic situation, based on the following parameters: population density, literacy of the population, the ratio between the arable land and intensive cultures in comparison with the total land surface, the state of the “dead” and unused livestock, crops of wheat and maize, the state of the cattle fund, characteristics of industrial population, length of railway tracks and roads, as well as the amount of savings and credits per inhabitant. Such geographical and numerical picture of the economic situation made a more balanced insight into the relations between certain parts of Yugoslavia possible, but it also confirmed the conclusion that the policy of an unstable agrarian state in a clumsily integrated area could hardly produce serious results.
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Социјални механизам приватизације у Србији (1989–2000)
(The Socio-economic Mode of Privatisation in Serbia (1989–2000))
- Author(s):Marija Obradović
- Subject(s):National Economy, Governance, Economic history, Economic policy, Economic development, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Socio-Economic Research
- Page Range:181-221
- No. of Pages:41
- Keywords:Serbia; economy; working class; ellit; nomenclature; privatisation;
- Summary/Abstract:The basic purpose of this article is to study economy of transition, and thereby the problems posed by their structure and evolution. My aim is to arrive, if possible, at the scientific establishment of a certain number of concepts essential to knowledge of economy of transition, and of the law of development to which it is subject. It is clearly impossible to say whether this aim can be realised, since, for the moment, we possess, in this field, mainly descriptions and “practical concept”. Such practical concept points out to us where the problems are that we have to solve, within the old ways of seeing the problems and on the plane of theoretical practice. If we do not take care, these practical concept can seem to be solutions of problems which in fact they merely describe. The objects described by the term “economy of transition” are obviously among that scientific awareness of which is essential to the understanding of our epoch, since this appears to us precisely as an age of transition. Transition from the socialist mode of production to the capitalist mode of production, that is, a country’s passage from one period of the history to another, through an upheaval in production-relations and class relations and the replacement of one state machine by another with a different class nature. Where this form of transition is concerned it is essential to undertake an analysis which is not confined to the ideological sphere but which reveals the nature of the transformations that are actually taking place in class relations and production-relations. This also brings up the question of the class nature of the state. If we wish to give the term “economy of transition” a specific meaning – and this seems to me to be essential – we must ask ourselves what these “residues” are that we find to difficult to describe, since we refer to them by means of all sorts of metaphors like “impurities”, “survival”, and so on which is a sign that there is as yet no scientific concept with which to think these objects. It is not necessary to work out forthwith the scientific concepts demanded by this way of seeing the problem, but only to offer some considerations which may perhaps help to us to find a road that will lead to the establishment of these concept. When, indeed, we set about studying an actual economy – independently of the very idea of transition – we have to think of this economy as a complex structure which is “structured in dominance”. Finally, each of these complex structures constitutes not a simple juxtaposition of modes of production, but a complex structure which is unique, endowed with its own structural causality. At the same time, this unique structure is subject, in general, to the dominance of a specific structure, which corresponds to that of a given mode of production, the capitalist mode of production. This therefore means that the world economy itself is a complex structure of complex structures. Now, the world economy is the ultimate economic reality. Thus, when we study the working of a particular national economy in which a certain mode of production seems to be “dominant” – we ought not, if we want to arrive at meaningful conclusions, consider this economy otherwise than in its mode of relations with the modes of production which are dominant on the world scale; because we cannot understand this national economy if we do not grasp that it is a part of world production-relations. It is thus as an integrated structure, that the specificity of development of this economy can be understood. Similarly, the transformations of structures and the different stages of transition that a national economy can undergo cannot be analysed in a valid way except by potting these transformations beck into the world structural totality. When we speak of the concept of “economy of transition”, as a historical framework of the process of privatisation, this expression call up the ideas of passing from one mode of production to another, from the socialist mode of production (based on state ownership of the means of production and planed economy) to the capitalist mode of production (based on private ownership and market economy); of the constitution of a mode of production and of the transformation of an economic system. “Economy of transition” is characterised by the complex structures of national economies that development is conditioned by a world economic system. The “economy of transition” of Eastern European countries can be analysed only in the framework of the capitalist world system, as “dominant” mode of production on the world scale, i.e. the capitalist world system witch structures were established during the long-term social-historical processes of globalisation. The integration of national economies through the world market has been carrying out by this process.
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Представе и стереотипи о Србији у виђењима Срба из Хрватске (1918–1929)
(Images and Stereotypes on Serbia among Serbs in Croatia (1918–1929))
- Author(s):Sofija Božić
- Subject(s):Governance, Political history, Social history, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), Ethnic Minorities Studies, Sociology of Politics
- Page Range:225-266
- No. of Pages:42
- Keywords:Kingdom of SHS; Serbia; Croatia; Serbs from Croatia; Serbian ellite;
- Summary/Abstract:The article explores the relations between the Serbs in Croatia and Serbia in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The results of the research indicate that the Serb people from the Croat territories, not having lost the feeling of spiritual unity with the Serbs of Serbia even under the Habsburgs, remained loyal to Serbia in the new state too. Not only the Radical, but also the Democrat/Independent-Democrat part of the Serb community cherished the awareness of Serbia’s greatness and importance. It seems the Serb national entity perceived in Yugoslavism no obstacle to attachment to Serbia, which had to be borne in mind even by that part of its political leadership which joined the Croats in their struggle against Belgrade in the second half of 1920s. However, when Serbian politicians and intellectuals from Croatia are in question, or at least those of their representatives who were active in public life, they left a number of interesting and provoking opinions about Serbia, mentality of its inhabitants and its leaders. These attitudes well reflect certain split between the political and intellectual elites from Serbia and Croatia. From a gamut of different views, ideas, experiences and reactions, the most representative have been picked out. Among them are the attitudes of politically independent intellectuals (Ljubomir Macić for example). Particularly critical attitude toward Serbia was shared above all by members of the circle around Svetozar Pribićević, as well as those who were democratically inclined. No harsh words about Serbia were to be heard from the ranks of the Radical politicians; on the contrary, they were prone to defend it, appreciating the victims and sufferings of Serbia and its contribution to the liberation and unification of all Serbs and other Yugoslav peoples. They were denouncing as irrational and unproductive the division into the Serbs from Serbia and from without it. The existence of two different political options, one of which siding with Zagreb, threatened to spoil not only the relations within the Serb community in Croatia, but also to weaken the feeling of loyalty of the Serbs from Croatia toward Serbia and to sever the ties binding them fast to their conationals from the Serbian mainland.
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Француска, Срби и хрватско питање (1918–1921)
(France, the Serbs and the Croat Question (1918–1921))
- Author(s):Gordana Krivokapić Jović
- Subject(s):Civil Society, Governance, Political history, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), Inter-Ethnic Relations, Sociology of Politics
- Page Range:267-281
- No. of Pages:15
- Keywords:Kingdom of SHS; France; Serbs; Croatian question;
- Summary/Abstract:The Croat question in the newly created Yugoslav state reapeared on the basis of the old unrealised ideas and concepts of the strengthened Croat statehood which was to take as independent a position as possible in the Habsburg Monarchy. During the first wartime years members of the old political elite who grew up with such ideas, made connections with Radić’s Croat Peasants’ Party, which built up its profile, together with its leader, during the First World War. With its nature and events this war taught Radić that every turn was possible, that all ideas in most unlikely combinations were possible, that even the defeated ones could survive and realise some of their projects and plans. The new political grouping, basically exclusively nationalist and anti-Yugoslav, acquired a new revisionist, bolshevik or similar garb, thanks to its connections outside the country. The policy of the Croat-Serbian coalition was not continued after the war. France supported that policy ever since it countered by its project of “Greater Yugoslavia” all other plans for reorganization of the Habsburg Monarchy which were aimed at being an avant-garde of Germany in its penetration of the Southeast, as well as the project of “Greater Hungary” without the Monarchy, supported by Italy. The French project saw Belgrade and Serbia as the centre of Yugoslav unification, and it saw the aggressive attack on the Serbs in the Monarchy (abolition of their rights and existence) in the run-up to the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1908/9 as the point at which the predominant part of the Yugoslav population of the Monarchy was turned from loyal subject into its adversaries. The last shows of loyalty toward the old Monarchy occurred during the war 1914–1918 and they had a Croat variety. The French stuck to their basic attitudes about Yugoslavism as a state and national idea which would enable a reasonable policy of harmony between the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes during the founding of that state and during its existence, albeit the reality was much bleaker than had been projected. Such Yugoslav state was in keeping with French interests. It should have been capable enough to fulfill the expectations both of its own and of its wartime ally, to prevent the descent of Germanism to the Adriatic coast and to prevent Italy from joining the Germanic world with a long frontier, in order to be the means of spreading democracy, French culture and French influence in general in that part of the Slavic world. With its appearance and contents, the Croat question was not attuned to this.
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Говори Милана Стојадиновића на парламентарним изборима 1938. године
(Speeches of Milan Stojadinović During the Parliamentary Election Campaign in 1938)
- Author(s):Bojan V. Simić
- Subject(s):Governance, Political history, Politics and communication, Politics and society, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), Rhetoric
- Page Range:282-292
- No. of Pages:11
- Keywords:Kingdom of Yugoslavia; oratory of Milan Stojadinovic; Parliamentary election campaign; propaganda;
- Summary/Abstract:The paper analyzes the oratory of the Prime Minister of the Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Milan Stojadinović during the parliamentary election campaign in 1938. During the campaign Stojadinović held speeches at nine large rallies. In most of them certain composition can be detected. The first part comprized praises of the people and the area where the rally was being held. The second part explained what the situation in the country had been at the time the Stojadinović government took over. The third part presented the results of the government’s policies, the fourth was the critique of the opposition. The final part contained a call to vote for the Stojadinović ticket, seasoned with new promises. The speeches were attuned to the audience and were full of demagogy, but also of cleverly used phrases and popular proverbs. The length of certain parts of speeches depended on the proximity of the elections. Thus the critique of the opposition, which originally comprized smaller part of the talks, became the central part of speeches at the last rallies. The topics about which the Prime Minister spoke were constantly brought up to date with the current situation in the country and in the world. Milan Stojadinović possessed considerable gift of oratory but it could not ensure his staying in power under the difficult political and economic conditions prevailing in the then Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
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Комунистичка стратегија према српској интелигенцији 1944–1950.
(The Communist Strategy Toward the Serbian Intelligentsia 1944–1950)
- Author(s):Nataša Milićević
- Subject(s):Political history, Social history, Government/Political systems, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), History of Communism, Sociology of Politics
- Page Range:293-310
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:Yugoslavia; Serbia; CPY; Serbian intelligentsia; communist strategy;
- Summary/Abstract:The paper analyzes the Communist strategy toward the Serbian intelligentsia which determined its new role, importance and obligations in the first years after the Second World War. Under the pressure from numerous ideological, political, economic and cultural factors, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia designed a complex strategy toward the Serbian intelligentsia. It comprised several strategic streams which ran parallelly, but which also overlapped. At the same time, they were mutually contradictory. Four strategic streams can be detected, depending on the goal, the methods applied, part of the intelligentsia targeted and the role it was assigned by the Communist Party: annihilation, integration, creation of a new intelligentsia and the build-up of the Communist Party intelligentsia. The first two streams had to do mostly with the intelligentsia left over from the bourgeois society in the period under scrutiny, but not exclusively with it. In opposition to annihilation which meant riding rough-shod over the intelligentsia, the integration was marked by gradual acceptance and integration into the society. In the first case, decisive was the inherited mistrust and suspicion of the Communist party caused by the bourgeois origin (70%) of the intelligentsia, as well as by the wartime adherence of its members. The situation facing the Communist Party after the liberation (small number of intellectuals and lack of cultural capital, low educational level of the society, almost 45% analphabets) was decisive in the later case. This was the framework for changing the old attitudes of the Communist Party toward the intelligentsia. The third stream of action – creation of the new intelligentsia – was the most important part in the Communist strategy toward the intelligentsia in general. Through changes in the school and educational system (by enabling pupils from vocational secondary schools to enroll at universities, by introducing mass grants and by changing curricula at the universities) it was aimed at changing the social make-up of pupils and students, professors, scientists, and at forging a new identity of the Yugoslav and Serbian intelligentsia, eventually creating the new identity of the Yugoslav and Serbian society. The last stream in the Communist strategy toward the Yugoslav and Serbian intelligentsia concerned measures and acts undertaken within the Communist Party. It presupposed increasing the number of intellectuals in the Communist Party membership through suppressing aversion toward the intelligentsia within the Party, increasing the educational level of the Party faithful, particularly after the difficulties encountered during the fulfillment of the Five-Year Development Plan of the country. Depending on the ideological rigidity, political necessity and social and economic needs during the first several years, it happened that, for a while, some of these strategic elements overshadowed the others, as was the case with annihilation and particularly with integration right after the Liberation. In the later phase, the second two streams would be dominant in the strategy, although the first two would not be completely given up.
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Гимназије у Србији за време Краљевине СХС
(High-Schools in Serbia in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes)
- Author(s):Dušan Bajagić
- Subject(s):Social history, School education, History of Education, State/Government and Education, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), Sociology of Education
- Page Range:313-326
- No. of Pages:14
- Keywords:Kingdom of SHS; Serbia; education; high-school;
- Summary/Abstract:A high-school in Serbia in the 1921/22 school-year had on the average 11 classes, 20 teachers and 510 students. It was in charge of a territory comprising 1,518.5 km2, with 11,998.3 households, i.e. of 65,549.8 inhabitants. There were 1,079.8 households and 5,899.5 inhabitants to a class. The only administrative units surpassing the average number of households and inhabitants to a class were the City of Belgrade with 185 households and 745 inhabitants, the Kragujevac District with 567 households and 2,960 inhabitants, the Niš District with 705 households and 4,177 inhabitants, the Čačak District with 866 households and 4,514 inhabitants, the Skopje District with 864 households and 4,716 inhabitants, and the Morava District with 906 households and 4,841 inhabitants per class. Five years later, thanks to the spread of the high-school network, there was one high-school to 1,310 km2. Although it had on the average 12.3 classes, it now had “only” 17 teachers and 495 students on the average. The number of state-run high-schools which offered instruction in four grades, was increased during that five-year period from 53 to 64, i.e. by 11 or by 20.75%. The non-classical high-school became the general type of secondary school in Serbia and the whole Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes during 1920s. The basic feature of its network and structure was determined by the constant position of Belgrade as the educational center. Throughout that period it had a significant advantage in the structure of high-schools, as compared with other towns and districts. On the other hand, the structure of high-schools wasn’t unified enough in other districts. It was much better in districts with major urban centers. Kragujevac, Niš and Skopje are good examples. The share of private high-schools declined sharply in Serbia during the times of the Kingdom of the Serbs Croats and Slovenes as compared with the pre-war times. However, their existence contributed considerably to the balance of the network and the structure of high-schools in certain districts. Although the development of the network and the structure of highschools was faster in Southern than in Northern Serbia, it wasn’t fast enough to do away with the obvious differences between the two regions. Furthermore, an unequal development of high-schools in South Serbia itself was also very much in evidence, producing significant differences among districts there, some of which remained with no high-schools throughout that period. This was particularly true of the those in the territory of Old Serbia.
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Школовање Чеха и Словака у Србији 1945–1958.
(Education System of the Czechs and Slovaks in Serbia 1945–1958)
- Author(s):Slobodan Selinić
- Subject(s):Social history, History of Education, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Post-War period (1950 - 1989), Ethnic Minorities Studies, Sociology of Education
- Page Range:327-347
- No. of Pages:21
- Keywords:Yugoslavia; Czechoslovakia; Serbia; education; Czechs and Slovaks;
- Summary/Abstract:Taken together, the Czech and the Slovak minorities were the third largest minority group in Serbia and Yugoslavia after the Second World war, only the Albanian and Hungarian ones being larger. According to the 1948 census, 39.015 Czechs and 83.626 Slovaks lived in Yugoslavia. Out of that number, 6.760 Czechs and 73.140 Slovaks lived in Serbia. As a national minority, the Czechs and Slovaks had the right to education in their mother tongue in communities they inhabited. The post-war development of the Yugoslav society brought about also the increased number of schools of the Czech and Slovak minorities. There were 42 Czech and Slovak elementary schools with 7.480 pupils and one secondary school with 516 students in 1938/39. There were 19 Czech and 35 Slovak primary schools in 1955/56 with 6,319 pupils, two Czech and 15 Slovak eight-class and secondary schools with 2,842 pupils and one Slovak teachers training college with 56 students. These schools lacked schoolbooks and teachers, some of whom were insuffi ciently trained, even though the Yugoslav state tried to train teachers for minority schools too in its educational system. This lack of teachers was partly alleviated by bringing teachers from Czechoslovakia. Part of the young Czechs and Slovaks decided to continue their education after having finished secondary schools, i.e. they decided to acquire academic education. The place of living infl uenced also the place of study. The Czechs turned mostly to Zagreb, and the Slovaks to Belgrade and Novi Sad. In 1955/56 the largest number of the Czechs and the Slovaks were to be found in the lecturerooms of the Faculty of Arts, Economic, Legal and Medical faculties. One of the best known Czech schools in Serbia was the Masaryk School in Belgrade (Československá škola Masarykova v Bělehradě) which had its premises in the Czechoslovak House. The importance of this school went far beyond the number of pupils (some 30) attending it. This school was a focal point for Czechoslovak children, youths, intellectuals, elite and diplomats. It contributed to good relations between the Czechoslovak colony in Belgrade and the Belgrade, Serbian and Yugoslav society, it fostered national culture, language, music costumes, history, it aided the young Czechs and Slovaks in preserving their mother tongue, memory of their mother-country and the history of which they were part, it helped the Czechoslovak community adapt more easily to great political changes in the post-war Yugoslavia. The headmaster was a teacher from Czechoslovakia Augustin Streit. The school enjoyed large support of the Czechoslovak Embassy in Belgrade and Czechoslovak minority associations (Československá obec and Udruženje čehoslovačkih žena) and it also received aid from the Czechoslovak Ministry of Schools and Education and from several individuals. It was shut down in early 1950s as the Yugoslav-Czechoslovak relations deteriorated.
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О неким аспектима у функционисању српских исељеничких школа у Сједињеним Америчким Државама 1919–1941.
О неким аспектима у функционисању српских исељеничких школа у Сједињеним Америчким Државама 1919–1941.
(On Certain Aspects of Functioning of Serbian Emigrant Schools in the United States of America 1919–1941)
- Author(s):Vesna Đikanović
- Subject(s):Social history, History of Education, State/Government and Education, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), Migration Studies, Sociology of Education
- Page Range:351-363
- No. of Pages:13
- Keywords:Kingdom of Yugoslavia; diaspora; emigration; USA; Serbian schools;
- Summary/Abstract:The problem of functioning of Serbian emigrants’ schools in the United States of America between the two world wars constituted not only an educational and schooling matter, but also as a matter of preservation of national consciousness, and – indirectly – also as the problem of ethnic survival of the Serbian emigration in America. However, even though both the Yugoslav government and the emigrants realized their importance, little was done in order to secure the necessary conditions for normal functioning of these educational institutions. Practically from the very beginning, the Serbian schools were plagued by lack of all school equipment, schoolbooks, adequate rooms for instruction, as well as by lack of trained teaching personnel. Irregular instruction, temporary character of their work and inequality of the teaching process were concomitant elements in the work of these schools. The main props of the educational process, the Church above all, but Serbian supportive associations too, tried to improve to certain extent the state in which education was. In these attempts they sought the support of the Yugoslav authorities too. However, the beginning of the Second World War would put an end to these attempts, with wartime events in the fatherland and the world gaining the uppermost priority in the activities and thoughts of the Serbian emigrants.
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Емиграција из Србије у Египту 1945–1956.
(Emigration from Serbia to Egypt 1945–1956)
- Author(s):Aleksandar Životić
- Subject(s):Political history, Social history, International relations/trade, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Post-War period (1950 - 1989), History of Communism, Migration Studies
- Page Range:364-377
- No. of Pages:14
- Keywords:Yugoslavia; Serbia; Egypt; emigration; diaspora;
- Summary/Abstract:Two groups of emigrants from the Serbian territory found themselves in the territory of Egypt in the years following the Second World War. The first group was formed by the emigrants who settled there in several waves since mid-19th century, and the second one were the former army officers and diplomats who fled from Yugoslavia to the Middle East after the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in spring 1941. For larger part, the older emigration, together with members of other Yugoslav peoples living in the Egyptian territory, was organized in several Yugoslav clubs. The Yugoslav Embassy tried to act politically and propagandistically through these associations. The anti-Communist Egyptian regime did not tolerate this, so these associations were disbanded and their members subjected to various kinds of repression which lasted until the bilateral relations were improved after the Egyptian revolution in 1952. The emigrants who arrived in Egypt during the Second World War tried to act politically against the newly established regime in Yugoslavia. In that they enjoyed the support of the Egyptian government, and, according to the opinion of the Yugoslav diplomats, also of some Western intelligence agencies. The students of Islamic universities stemming from Serbia who refused to return to Yugoslavia, were also propagandistically active against the Communist regime in Yugoslavia, enjoying the support of the Egyptian government and the Arab League in the process. An incipient collaboration in the common struggle against Communism in Yugoslavia can be observed between these groups since 1946. Due to speedy improvement of the Yugoslav-Egyptian relations after the revolution of 1952, these groups ceased operating under the threat of arrest and expulsion, whereas part of their adherants moved out of Egypt.
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Југословенска сазнања о положају српске мањине у Мађарској и Румунији 1948–1953. године
(What the Official Yugoslavia Knew About the Situation of the Serbian National Minority in Hungary and Romania 1948–1953)
- Author(s):Vladimir Lj. Cvetković
- Subject(s):Civil Society, Political history, Social history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Post-War period (1950 - 1989), Ethnic Minorities Studies
- Page Range:378-397
- No. of Pages:20
- Keywords:Yugoslavia; Hungary; Romania; national minorities; Serbian national minority;
- Summary/Abstract:The problem of the Serbian and other Yugoslav national minorities in the neighboring Hungary and Romania was one of the most important matters in Yugoslavia’s relations with these countries after the Second World War. Since it represented only part of a much broader problem of national minorities in the Communist world, it reflected not only a crisis in the bilateral relations, but also a crisis between the newly-formed Communist countries of Eastern Europe. The Situation of the Serbian national minority, as well as of the Yugoslav minorities living in Hungary and Romania, was exceedingly difficult in 1953. The legal status of these minorities was not defined by mutual conventions with Yugoslavia but only by internal legal acts which provided almost no protection. The rights these acts guaranteed to the Serbian and other minorities, remained largely on paper. In contravention of the positive laws the Serbian minority in Hungary and Romania had neither freedom of movement, nor the right to express political opinions, and even less the satisfactory education in mother tongue or the freedom to cultivate its individuality through its cultural and educational institutions and organizations. Unfortunately, before struggling for these and other minority rights, the Serbian minority, faced with deportations and economic exploitation, had to conquer the most elementary right – the right to live and to survive physically.
- Price: 5.00 €