Keywords: Public law; BiH; constitution; ombudsman; administrative proceedings; intervention; information access;
In this paper authors are considering the potential of the Ombudsman's intervention in the Administrative Procedure, which is the basic procedure related to the work of Public administration. Existing legislation provides significant opportunities for Ombudsman to intervene in Administrative Procedure, as well as in Administrative Dispute, as a continuation of the Administrative Procedure. Analysis has been carried out in the area of Freedom of access to information, while the Freedom of Access to Information Act specifically emphasizes the role of the Ombudsman and due to the fact that this freedom is realized in Special Administrative Procedure. The Annual Report on results of the activities of the Institution of Human Rights Ombudsman of Bosnia and Herzegovina for 2016 was taken as the basis for the analysis. Data from aforementioned report compared to the legally regulated potentials led to the conclusion that the Ombudsman does not have significant influence on Administrative Procedures. The Ombudsmen does not use all the available remedies in the area of Freedom of access to information and in this cases it almost never acts as a party in the first instance and second instance of Administrative Procedure nor as the Plaintiff in an Administrative Dispute. Also, the Ombudsman's recommendations are rarely addressed to the second instance bodies or to the Court before termination of the (second instance or judicial) procedure. Timely issued recommendations (although by legal nature not binding) could be helpful in making legitimate and fair decisions by the power of their arguments. Also, it was found that there is not a satisfactory level of cooperation between Ombudsmen and Public Bodies, which challenges the effectiveness and efficiency of the Ombudsman in the area of Freedom of access to information. This requires appropriate measures which can lead to effective protection of the mentioned right. Improvement of the legal framework, cooperation and mutual respect are key factors.
More...Keywords: Public law; constitution; legal framework; religion; religious freedoms; church; religious communities; legal status; constitution; BiH; secularism; The Law on Freedom of Religion and the Legal Position of Churches and Religious Communities in BiH;
S obzirom na značaj prava na slobodu vjere ili uvjerenja kao temeljnog ljudskog prava i potrebu da se osigura ravnopravnost svih građana BiH u pogledu zaštite i uživanja ovog prava, najvažniji pravni standardi koji uređuju položaj vjere u društvu uspostavljeni su na državnom nivou. Ustavni dokumenti BiH i njenih entiteta pružaju opće garancije vjerske slobode uz pozivanje na važnije međunarodne instrumente ljudskih prava ili njihovo izravno inkorporiranje. Ove opće garancije dalje su razrađene kroz Zakon o slobodi vjere i pravnom položaju crkava i vjerskih zajednica i sporazume kojima se pobliže uređuju odnosi između pojedinačnih vjerskih zajednica i države. Općenito, može se kazati da su odredbe o slobodi vjere i njenog manifestiranja usklađene sa normama međunarodnog prava, da su veoma široko postavljene i da omogućavaju i pojedincima i vjerskim kolektivitetima, tj. crkvama i vjerskim zajednicama, da slobodno postupaju i djeluju u skladu sa vjerskim načelima uz uvjet da se time ne krše pozitivni zakonski propisi. Prema važećim pravnim standardima u BiH je sa snazi saradnički ili hibridni model uređenja odnosa između države i vjere. Suština ovog modela može se izraziti dvama načelima: (a) institucionalna i funkcionalna odvojenost države i crkava/ vjerskih zajednica i (b) saradnja države i crkava/ vjerskih zajednica na područjima od zajedničkog interesa koja se reguliše zakonima i posebnim sporazumima. Nedostatak izričitih ustavnih odredbi o odvajanju države i vjere nadomješten je Zakonom o slobodi vjere koji propisuje da niti jedna vjera u BiH ne može biti proglašena državnom, niti jedna crkva ili vjerska zajednica ne može uživati povlašten status u odnosu na druge te da su crkve i vjerske zajednice neovisne i samostalne u svom organiziranju i djelovanju. Također, praksa Ustavnog suda BiH potvrdila je da je odvajanje vjere, s jedne strane, i države i njenog pravnog sistema, s druge strane, suštinsko obilježje njihovog odnosa te osporila preferencijalistički tretman kojeg je Ustav RS, prije amandmanskih izmjena, pružao Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi. Premda su država i crkve odnosno vjerske zajednice suštinski odvojene, to ne isključuje mogućnost njihove saradnje na određenim poljima od zajedničkog interesa, kao što su odgoj i obrazovanje, kultura, socijalna zaštita, zdravstvo i dr. Takva saradnja pobliže se uređuje posebnim sporazumima, zakonima ili podzakonskim pravnim aktima. Dvije crkve, Katolička i Srpska pravoslavna, već su zaključile sporazume o saradnji sa državom, dok je Islamska zajednica na putu prema ostvarenju istog cilja. Da bi ispoštovala zakonske odredbe koje zabranjuju dodjeljivanje privilegovanog tretmana određenim crkvama ili vjerskim zajednicama, država je dužna u budućnosti omogućiti svim zainteresiranim vjerskim zajednicama da pristupe ugovornom reguliranju vlastitog položaja te vjerskih prava i sloboda svojih pripadnika.
More...Keywords: Public law; constitution; Constitutional court; government; BiH; entities; civil law; Supreme court;
The need to establish the Supreme Court which would have the competence on the entire territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been considered. In order to answer the question whether BiH really needs a Supreme Court as such, first there is a need to answer the questions relevant to any judicial organization: What is the type of government structure in BiH from the legal and practical point of view – unitary, federal/regional, with symmetric or asymmetric federalism/regionalism, or confederation? What type of organization do BiH courts fit into from the government structure point of view? Is there as basis to compare judicial structure in BiH with European states (if so, which states), in order to perhaps find efficient example of the role model? Does the current court structure provide legal equality (pertaining to both substance and process) of legal entities, as viewed both from legislative and pragmatic aspect? Bearing in mind the answers to the preceding questions, is it possible to formulate the efficient proposal related to the highest judicial instance in BiH? The conclusion is that BiH is actually weak federation of asymmetric type (one of its entities has federal, the other has unitary structure and Brčko District has a special status) which is subject to international protectorate. Considering the open ethnical preferences of two ethnical communities and “special parallel relations” established with neighbouring countries (Article II/2/a/) it can be asserted that the borderline between weak federation and confederation in BiH is extremely fluid. Constitutional Court and Court of BiH exercise the judicial authority on the entire territory of BiH. Although constitutional courts usually do not classify as the bodies of regular judicial authority, this classification seems justified in the case of BiH bearing in mind some of the competencies of this Court. These are appellate competence (i.e. constitutional complaint or constitutional appeal) “for issues related to the Constitution which stem from the ruling of any other court” in BiH (Article VI/3 /b/) and submission of question from any other court in BiH on compliance of certain documents with BiH Constitution, European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights, as well as on the implications of general norms of the international law. Basically, the Court of BiH is the federal court with first instance competence in the domain of criminal and administrative disputes related to the BiH regulations, and exceptionally, for some criminal acts, related to the entity regulations. In litigation and executive-judicial area the Court has a meagre competence in solving inter-entity disputes (including district) and in compulsory execution. Legal remedies against the decisions of this Court are all of remonstration kind (retraction) and allow only for the control of the decisions of this Court, not of the entity courts. Therefore, this court, both by its name and by its competence is not a supreme court. After the constitutional reform in 2000 and following the legal comparative review of the structure of the courts in federations, the Swiss Federal Court competencies, position and jurisdiction are used as an example. It is recommended to establish a Supreme Court of BiH which would unite in itself the Constitutional Court and competencies of the Swiss Federal Court in civic, criminal and public right area. Thereby, in cases of extraordinary legal remedies, it would be possible to check the decisions made by the entity courts in terms of the implementation of law in BiH with an objective to achieve the uniform implementation of law and real equality of citizens before the law.
More...Keywords: Public law; constitution; religion; faith; religious communities; church; legal status; secularism; freedom; BiH; human rights;
S obzirom na značaj prava na slobodu vjere ili uvjerenja kao temeljnog ljudskog prava i potrebu da se osigura ravnopravnost svih građana BiH u pogledu zaštite i uživanja ovog prava, najvažniji pravni standardi koji uređuju položaj vjere u društvu uspostavljeni su na državnom nivou. Ustavni dokumenti BiH i njenih entiteta pružaju opće garancije vjerske slobode uz pozivanje na važnije međunarodne instrumente ljudskih prava ili njihovo izravno inkorporiranje. Ove opće garancije dalje su razrađene kroz Zakon o slobodi vjere i pravnom položaju crkava i vjerskih zajednica i sporazume kojima se pobliže uređuju odnosi između pojedinačnih vjerskih zajednica i države. Općenito, može se kazati da su odredbe o slobodi vjere i njenog manifestiranja usklađene sa normama međunarodnog prava, da su veoma široko postavljene i da omogućavaju i pojedincima i vjerskim kolektivitetima, tj. crkvama i vjerskim zajednicama, da slobodno postupaju i djeluju u skladu sa vjerskim načelima uz uvjet da se time ne krše pozitivni zakonski propisi. Prema važećim pravnim standardima u BiH je sa snazi saradnički ili hibridni model uređenja odnosa između države i vjere. Suština ovog modela može se izraziti dvama načelima: (a) institucionalna i funkcionalna odvojenost države i crkava/vjerskih zajednica i (b) saradnja države i crkava/vjerskih zajednica na područjima od zajedničkog interesa koja se reguliše zakonima i posebnim sporazumima. Nedostatak izričitih ustavnih odredbi o odvajanju države i vjere nadomješten je Zakonom o slobodi vjere koji propisuje da niti jedna vjera u BiH ne može biti proglašena državnom, niti jedna crkva ili vjerska zajednica ne može uživati povlašten status u odnosu na druge te da su crkve i vjerske zajednice neovisne i samostalne u svom organiziranju i djelovanju. Također, praksa Ustavnog suda BiH potvrdila je da je odvajanje vjere, s jedne strane, i države i njenog pravnog sistema, s druge strane, suštinsko obilježje njihovog odnosa te osporila preferencijalistički tretman kojeg je Ustav RS, prije amandmanskih izmjena, pružao Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi. Premda su država i crkve, odnosno vjerske zajednice suštinski odvojene, to ne isključuje mogućnost njihove saradnje na određenim poljima od zajedničkog interesa, kao što su odgoj i obrazovanje, kultura, socijalna zaštita, zdravstvo i dr. Takva saradnja pobliže se uređuje posebnim sporazumima, zakonima ili podzakonskim pravnim aktima. Dvije crkve, Katolička i Srpska pravoslavna, već su zaključile sporazume o saradnji sa državom, dok je Islamska zajednica na putu prema ostvarenju istog cilja. Da bi ispoštovala zakonske odredbe koje zabranjuju dodjeljivanje privilegovanog tretmana određenim crkvama ili vjerskim zajednicama, država je dužna u budućnosti omogućiti svim zainteresiranim vjerskim zajednicama da pristupe ugovornom reguliranju vlastitog položaja te vjerskih prava i sloboda svojih pripadnika.
More...Keywords: Education; social systems; conference;
Estabilishing in 2018 as a scientific initiative; Education, Society & Reform Research (EDUSREF -2018) is an International Conference that aims to bridge the knowledge gap, promote research esteem, and produce democratic information for potential education reforms.
More...Keywords: Serbia; higher education; University; autonomy; Ministry of Education; changes;
The article provides a critical review of the new Law on Higher Education of the Republic of Serbia, primarily in its parts that relate to university autonomy. Instead of providing precise criteria for assessing the higher education institutions' quality assurance and for placing sharp curbs on any further proliferation of disproportionately small and education-wise ill-conceived universities, it appears that the Law's most important purpose rests in amassing almost an excessive amount of power in the hands of the responsible ministry, i.e. the government. Visibility of this approach comes primarily – but not solely – from reading the Law's norms that deal with regulatory bodies' and university authorities' newly-created structure, and their responsibilities, at the center of which comes the political power of the country. Although the Law gets some things right, it does not place deserved emphasis on protection of university autonomy. Rather, it typically takes away certain important features of this constitutionally enshrined principle, which puts the whole higher education legislative enterprise into a politically assertive, and therefore inadmissible, perspective.
More...Keywords: Kosovo 2002; Florence Hartman;
More...Keywords: Kosovo 2003; Gjelosh Gjokaj;
More...Keywords: Constitution; Constitutional Court; Supreme Court of Cassation; court rulings; protection of human rights and freedoms; public law; Serbia;
The relationship between the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Cassation was not particularly controversial in the period when Constitutional Court`s jurisdiction was kept in the domain of classical jurisdiction in the review of constitutionality and legality of general legal acts. However, when in 2006 Constitutional Court obtained competence for the adjudication on the constitutional appeal and therefore entered the space of constitutionally guaranteed human rights and freedoms`direct protection, a fierce discussion broke out whether Constitutional Court may annul disputed court rulings - especially the decisions of the highest court – whenever it would find that those rulings had infringed constitutionally guaranteed rights. In those proceedings, the Constitutional Court acted in line with its constitutionally established competence, reviewing disputed court rulings to the extent necessary to determine whether ruling violated or denied a constitutional right and freedom, as alleged in the constitutional appeal. Although the difference in the Constitutional Court`s and courts’ of general jurisdiction competence can be well seen and explained on normative and even on practical level, in the jurisprudence it is not always the case. Namely, likewise the courts of general jurisdiction, as well as the Supreme Court of Cassation, sometimes failed to observe the particular legal cases from the broader horizon of constitutional law, causing their decisions to come to the Constitutional Court and be annulled on the grounds of established violation of guaranteed rights and freedoms, it`s also true that in some other cases the Constitutional Court had a tendency to step out of its jurisdiction and get inadmissible close to the character of control by the higher instance over the rulings of the courts. Nevertheless, such particular cases should be an impulse to judges, legal theoreticians and authors, general public included, to contribute with their arguments to controversial issues` resolving, and not to a priori generally negate the Constitutional Court`s nature of human rights and freedoms protector which stands above the courts of general jurisdiction. In other words, although the Constitutional Court is often labeled as “stronger”, “higher” or “superior” in the relation to judicial power, what matters in reality is the complementary acting of the Constitutional Court and courts of general jurisdiction, with mutual appreciation and arguments respected, especially when those arguments are opposed. Only in that way, in a partner relationship, in mutual interaction and dialogue, whose frames are defined by the Constitution, Constitutional Court and judicial power can contribute to the real rule of law and complete protection of human rights and freedoms.
More...Keywords: Manas International Airport; air base; military operations; US military presence; Transit Center at Manas; Russian government; Kyrgyzstan;
In 2001, the United States established a strategic air base at the Manas International Airport in Kyrgyzstan to support its military operation in Afghanistan. In return, Kyrgyzstan received at least USD 318 million in direct investment and additional indirect financial and non-financial benefits from the US. Russia, however, was wary of a long-term US military presence in the region, and tried to exert pressure on Kyrgyzstan to close the Transit Center. The Russian government made generous offers of financial and economic assistance, while simultaneously exerting diplomatic pressure on the Kyrgyz government. The Russian media focused extensively on supposed negative impacts of the Transit Center at Manas. Russian pressure on Kyrgyzstan would likely have been much stronger from the beginning, had it not been for the US-Russian dialogue in the wake of the Global War on Terror (2001) and the US-Russian grand ‘reset’ attempt (2009). Kyrgyz public opinion grew increasingly critical of the US military presence in the country. Using increasing Russian pressure and growing anti-American public opinion in Kyrgyzstan as bargaining chips, the Kyrgyz government managed to considerably increase US payments. The Transit Center at Manas (TCM) was eventually closed in 2014.
More...André Leroy, General Secretary of the Fédération Internationale des Résistants (FIR), Franco-German friendship in the fight against the EVG // Peter Seckbacher, All-German perspective after the II National Congress // II German National Congress on May 15 and 16, 1954 in Berlin // FDP MP Pfleiderer calls for the establishment of diplomatic relations with the USSR // Terror and persecution in West Germany and West Berlin // West Germany's military war potential (XIV) // A year of great success in realizing the new course // Care for people in the German Democratic Republic — — — — André Leroy, Generalsekretär der Fédération Internationale des Résistants (FIR), Deutsch-Französische Freundschaft im Kampf gegen die EVG // Peter Seckbacher, Gesamtdeutsche Perspektive nach dem II. Nationalkongress // II. Deutscher Nationalkongress am 15. and 16. Mai 1954 in Berlin // FDP-Abgeordneter Pfleiderer fordert die Herstellung diplomatischer Beziehungen zur UdSSR // Terror und Verfolgung in Westdeutschland und Westberlin // Das militärische Kriegspotential Westdeutschlands (XIV) // Ein Jahr großer Erfolge bei der Verwirklichung des neuen Kurses // Die Sorge um den Menschen in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik
More...Wirth: The people's willingness to understand is stronger // Goguel: The balance sheet of the Geneva Conference // A look back in time // Note from the Soviet government of July 24, 1954 // Declaration by Dr. Otto John // The Evangelical Church Congress in Leipzig // Re-election of the signatory of the war treaties, Theodor Heus, as Federal President // The West German income pyramid // Western press must admit the successful development of the GDR // Wage struggle of metal workers in West Germany and West Berlin (I. ) // The fascization of the Bonn state apparatus (I). Offices for the Protection of the Constitution // Theodor Heus - representative of Adenauer's politics subordinate to America // Ernst Thälmann - immortal leader of the German working class // Guest performance of the “Berliner Ensemble” in Paris // Special register: German trade
More...A look into the present // For a referendum across Germany // Storm of protest against the ratification of the Paris Treaties // The 2nd and 3rd reading of the Paris Treaties in the Bundestag // Appeal of the National Council to the nation (9 March 1955) // 2. All-German Workers' Conference (March 5, 1955) // The terror trial against the KPD (VI) // February - March 1945 // Gangster literature in the service of psychological war preparation // Special register: laws, ordinances, labor law and criminal law — — — — Blick in die Gegenwart // Für eine Volksbefragung in ganz Deutschland // Proteststurm gegen die Ratifizierung der Pariser Verträge // Die 2. und 3. Lesung der Pariser Verträge im Bundestag // Appell des Nationalrates an die Nation (9.3.1955) // 2. Gesamtdeutsche Arbeiterkonferenz (5.3.1955) // Der Terrorprozess gegen die KPD (VI) // Februar — März 1945 // Gängsterliteratur im Dienste psychologischer Kriegsvorbereitung // Spezialregister: Gesetze, Verordnungen, Arbeitsrecht und Strafrecht
More...A look into the present // From current events // The German people are fighting for the referendum to be held // Bonn Federal Council ratifies Paris war treaties // Saar dispute between Bonn and Paris // Initiative of German youth for reunification // The development of agricultural production cooperatives // Leipzig Spring Fair 1955 // The terror trial against the KPD (VII) // Ten years ago - April-May 1945 // Adenauer against peaceful reunification // Proposals for cultural understanding among Germans // Special register: Pacts of war and aggression — — — — Blick in die Gegenwart // Aus dem Zeitgeschehen // Das deutsche Volk kämpft für Durchführung der Volksbefragung // Bonner Bundesrat ratifiziert Pariser Kriegsverträge // Saarstreit zwischen Bonn und Paris // Initiative der deutschen Jugend zur Wiedervereinigung // Die Entwicklung der Landwirtschaftlichen Produktionsgenossenschaften // Leipziger Frühjahrsmesse 1955 // Der Terrorprozess gegen die KPD (VII) // Vor zehn Jahren — April-Mai 1945 // Adenauer gegen friedliche Wiedervereinigung // Vorschläge für die kulturelle Verständigung der Deutschen // Spezialregister: Pakte des Krieges und der Aggression
More...Keywords: Serbian municipalities in Kosovo; association of Serb municipalities; Serbs and Kosovars; Prishtina-Belgrade-Dialogue; Brussel-dialogue;
The Agreement on the Association/Community of Serb Majority Municipalities marks the cornerstone of discord of the EU-facilitated dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia. The General Principles for the establishment of the Association/Community, agreed in August 2015, brought more controversy and caused an unprecedented crisis in Kosovo. Proponents championed it as a tool to integrate northern Kosovo Serbs into Kosovo jurisdiction and advance normalisation of relations between the two states. Yet, the Association has become a complicated matter in practice. Many segments of Kosovo society reject an Association of this kind, the Constitutional Court ruled it to be in violation of the spirit of the Constitution and the government is largely reluctant to implement it until Serbia presents clear plans for withdrawal of the parallel institutions it funds around Kosovo. Kosovo Serbs view an Association from a very practical point of view: a reward instrument for painful integration into Kosovo and a replacement for departing Serbian-funded institutions. Serbs fear the Albanian reactions seen over the last 24 months, feel unwanted in Kosovo and worry that Belgrade will abandon them soon. The Serb community - the party most affected by the dialogue and least included in it - wants the dialogue on normalisation to continue, want the coalition agreement to be adhered to and want a smooth transition from the Serbian to Kosovar system.
More...Keywords: EULEX; EULEX shortcomings; Corruption; Organized Crime; Kosovo State of Law;
This report evaluates and identifies possible paths and areas for improvement for rule of law and judicial development under the EU’s planned flagship initiative and corresponding support mechanisms. The analysis and recommendations are based on an assessment of the current state of the rule of law and judicial institutions and of the progress and pitfalls of EULEX. As it prepares to fully dismantle, domestic institutions must prepare to take the driver’s seat, while collaborating early on with the EU to determine the implementation plan for new initiatives.
More...Keywords: Transformation and political will; Kosovo constitution; human resources of public administration; Institutional Structures; public finances; political interference; executive power in Kosovo; Kosovo after independence;
Public Administration Reform (PAR) is a dynamic process aimed at improving its capacity to deliver public services. In Kosovo, it is largely driven by external factors, the European Union (EU) perspective and agendas and other donors. Domestically, a number of internal factors work against effective reform; a high level of politicization, inefficient recruitment and evaluation processes, a bloated size, inadequate training and professional development, a barely functional local administration, a chaotic framework for independent agencies, a deficient focus on service delivery and lack of local ownership of the reform process. Kosovo created its own public administration less than two decades ago, and reforms took place simultaneously with its institutional building. Along the way, from UNMIK’s interim administration to the most recent national PAR Strategy, reform could never succeed without the necessary recourses and willpower. The legal framework has advanced substantially in recent years, mostly as a result of it being a requirement to implement the Stabilization and Association Agreement and the European Reform Agenda, but it is rarely respected.
More...Keywords: Cluj-Napoca; Post-1989; Collective memory of Romanians; Hungarians; 1848-1849 Revolution War of Independence; Romanian National Unity;
Transylvania, annexed to Romania in 1920, is a place of continuous Romanian-Hungarian conflicts. There is always a domain of conflict between the Hungarian minority and the Romanian majority represented by the construction, the invention and commemorative use of the past. In my ethnographic and socio-anthropologic analysis I focus on the "memory entrepreneurism", and foreground those interethnic relations and symbolic behaviours that stand behind it in the social context of the multiethnic Cluj-Napoca. The change of regime of 1989 brought along not only a political closure, but also one with on the framework of the imagined past. On the social level this resulted in the drama of the diminuation of belief in the institutions and authorities. The past constructed up to that point naturally lost its political legitimacy. There were two kinds of attitudes emerging within the self-legitimating strategies regarding the past. On the one hand the denial of continuity, the rejection of the past constructed by previous societies in the interest of the new historical order. This new historical order didn't wish to continue the previous economical, social and political relations. But on the other hand, in there was a rising need for historical depth: how can one legitimate the present and create a continuity in the historical space? Nevertheless, the new system considered it necessary to deduce the new social order from history. It had a need for the past also because it defined itself against the past, distancing itself from it: thus the past became surpassed and at the same time an example to follow. The period between 1989 and 2008 proved to be one of the most productive regarding the local construction of memory. Therefore my paper analyses the tendencies of post-1989 past construction. What previously exposed component of the past was made invisible by the new system? What was overtaken and what kind of new components were brought to the surface? What kind of conflicts were revealed, what kind of identity strategies, legitimating processes and national discourses were put into motion by the construction of the (new) memory?
More...Keywords: ethnic minorities in Europe;
This is an essay by Joseph Chmelař , published by ORBIS-Publisher in Prague and dedicated to the region near Ostrava, where the masin part of the Polish minority was living. Masaryk's principles regarding minority inegration and rights in Post-WW-I Czechoslovakia ,et with some obstacles in this special region.
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