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The EU’s ‘unipolar moment’ is over. In the 1990s, the EU’s grand hope was that American hard power would underpin the spread of European soft power and the integration of all Europe’s powers into a liberal order – embodied in NATO and the EU – in which the rule of law, pooled sovereignty and interdependence would gradually replace military conflict, the balance of power and spheres of influence. However, the prospects for this unipolar multilateral European order are fading. The dilemma facing the European Union in its own continent is somewhat similar to that faced by the US at a global level. The EU can do little to prevent Europe’s evolution from a unipolar to a multipolar order; but it can do a lot to shape the relations between its emerging poles. The new approach would take advantage of a political opening created by Moscow’s desire to modernise and Turkey’s search for a regional role, and recast the continent’s institutional order for a world in which Europe is increasingly peripheral and in which a weak neighbour can be as frightening as a strong one. It would be the first step towards creating a trilateral rather than a tripolar Europe: a new institutional order in the continent that (to paraphrase Lord Ismay) keeps the EU united, Russia post-imperial and Turkey European.
More...Keywords: Western Balkans; European Integration
Since the Thessaloniki Summit of 2003, which constituted a land mark event in showing the commitment of the EU towards the European integration of the Western Balkans,high level initiatives such as the Berlin Process have emphasized a new pathway towards EU accession for the countries of the Western Balkans. The context of the so-called enlargement fatigue and the shift from the regalia principle to a more encompassing policy of connectivity and regional cooperation has provided a novel path of development and a different opportunity for the Western Balkan countries. On the other hand, this particular region has experienced political instability, ethnic conflict and tumultuous transitions to democracy and market economy.In this respect, an improvement in intra-regional cooperation by furthering the ‘Connectivity Agenda’of the EU and fulfilling the SEE 2020 strategy increases the chances of congruence between the regional market and democratic institutions of the Western Balkans with the EU market and institutions.
More...Keywords: Russia; information; communication; Euro-Atlantic region; values; strategic communication; media; TV; Pervij Kanal; RT; Sputnik; politics; mass media;
This document summarises part of a larger research “Euro-Atlantic Values and Russia’s Strategic Communication in the Euro-Atlantic space” (2015) commissioned by the NATO StratCom COE to the Center for International Studies (Latvia). The overall aim of the research is to identify means how Russia with the help of mass media influences the Euro-Atlantic values and re-defines the meaning of democracy, media freedom, human rights, trust to international organizations, freedom of speech and other values in the Euro-Atlantic space for different societal groups during the crisis in Ukraine. The political rhetoric, political content and narrative is analysed in the following audio-visual platforms: Первый канал (Pervij Kanal), RT (previously - Russia Today) and Sputnik. The research includes four case studies: the downing of the passenger liner MH17, issuing of economic counter-sanctions, first humanitarian convoy and Minsk talks on the cease-fire deal (the so-called Minsk II).
More...Keywords: Attempted Coup d’État in Turkey; Venice Commission; Öcalan;
After the unsuccessful coup attempt in Turkey, both high-level officials and the pro-government public suggest the reinstatement of the death penalty. Unfortunately the question tends to re-surface from time to time in other states as well, but rarely with such political weight. It is important to evaluate the possibility of this step.
More...The visa-free travel is very important for Moldova in the context of reintegration and geographical links, but also in the context of implementing reforms. Learning from the Balkan states that undergone through such reforms, the Moldovan government is seriously focusing on resolving issues related to security of breeder documents, border check control on the Transnistrian perimeter and combating corruption. Nevertheless, these efforts are not yet officially monitored due to the absence of a visa-free liberalization roadmap.
More...Six-hour visit to Chisinau of the Vice President Joe Biden has caused a real “national euphoria” in Moldova. Chisinau was the culmination point of Biden’s journey, which began in Helsinki and continued with Moscow. Without diminishing the im¬portance and impact of American Vice President’s visit of the capitals of Finland and of Republic of Moldova, the real strategic stakes of Biden’s tour in Europe was his visit to Moscow.
More...Keywords: Prisons; Serbian prisons; torture; violence; rehabilitation; inhuman treatment; punishment; detention facilities;
This publication is the output of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia’s activity over the third year of the implementation of the project “Prevention of Torture: Support to the Rehabilitation of Victims of Torture” realized with the assistance of the European Commission – European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights. Apart from the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, this three-year project includes Bulgarian, Hungarian, Macedonian, Polish and Russian Helsinki committees, as well as the International Helsinki Federation. At regional level, the project aims at preventing torture, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment in detention facilities (police stations, prisons, psychiatric institutions, etc.), encouraging non-governmental organizations to monitor overall conditions in these institutions and at exerting pressure on national governments to make it possible for the nongovernmental sector to conduct these fact-finding missions. [...]
More...Keywords: Europe; conventional arms control; arms control system; maintaining trust in Europe; transparency;
Conventional arms control in Europe is not functioning as it should, which has led to a lower level of military predictability and confidence on the continent. There is a need for new thinking on how to restore a functional conventional arms control mechanism and update it to the current realities. It is worth thorough consideration whether the modern conventional arms control system can be based solely on transparency measures without any numerical, qualitative or geographical limitations. Such a transparency-centred approach may offer a promising path forward to building an enduring platform that would maintain trust in Europe.
More...Keywords: Kosovo election 2019; Albin Kurti; Vetëvendosje; Kosovo economy; Kosovo education system; Kosovo healthcare system;
The new government that takes office, whatever its colour will inherit a long list of issues from its predecessor. Dysfunctional healthcare and education systems, an untaxed shadow economy, a slow and often ineffective judiciary, weak public administration all require major interventions. The failure of public services is graphically illustrated with the high number of patients being treated abroad and the regular enrolment of politicians’ children in private and international schools.17 To further complicate the matter, despite the generally cordial campaign that preceded the elections, relations between key political actors remain tense; leaders do not trust each other and basic norms of cooperation between actors are still missing. That is especially true for the case of Albin Kurti, the leader of Vetëvendosje, who has spent much of his time in opposition (and before that, as an activist) attacking other parties, including his current potential partner LDK. If Kurti aims to secure the premiership and stay in power he will have to build some relations with both his coalition partner and the opposition, with whom he never tried to reconcile. Any new government will have to create a favourable climate to enact the promised reforms. In the case of Kurti, especially, that would entail making a U-turn and engaging with the opposition from day one. These priorities for the new government listed in this report do not intend to be comprehensive, but to present an outline of the more pressing issues the government will need to work on to ensure progress is made. The composition of the government, domestic politics and international developments can also influence how a priority is defined. Yet, these issues require careful attention and will not disappear from the public agenda in the short term.
More...Keywords: Kosovo parliament; constitutional reform; procedures of Lawmaking; draft-laws; presidency of parliament;
In an attempt to critically examine the path dependent trajectory of Kosovo’s non-reformed RoP, this study moves through various parts. Firstly, it gives an insight into Kosovo parliamentary life and analyses the political reasons behind the delay of the draft RoP. Secondly, it draws out important gaps in the existing RoP vis-a-vis their status in the 2018 draft, as well as evaluates the remaining limitations in the 2018 draft through a synopsis of best-practices from the respective equivalent in Germany, Slovenia and Albania. // The report indistinctively uses parliamentary terms specific to the Kosovar system (President of the Assembly, deputy) and terms with origin in the British parliamentary system, often used in social sciences (House Speaker, Member of Parliament). Generally British terms are employed in a comparative context, when analysing the systems and rules of other countries. In any case, if the term employed is specific of the national context and does not match that employed in the British parliamentary system, its correspondence will be provided to ease understanding. // The study focuses its first and much of the second part on a case analysis of domestic issues. It also features a comparative examination of three case studies. In order to gain a better understanding of best-practices and offer a more nuanced discussion of principles (outside of the working group and the committee), the study compares the RoPs of the German Bundestag, the National Assembly of Slovenia and the Parliament of Albania with the current RoP of the Assembly and the proposed draft.
More...A key factor affecting the personal and social life of suspects and accused is the media coverage of their cases. Inappropriate media exposure, particularly at the beginning of proceedings, affect the presumption of innocence creating negative public attitudes towards defendants (and their families) before their guilt has been established by the court. The presentation of defendants in the media is subject to various studies, policies and regulations. However, the increased accessibility of technologies has changed the way information is shared, creating new challenges that are not addressed by the existing instruments. Once published, the news reach large audiences easily and quickly, remain accessible for a long time, and facilitate the identification of defendants. The present report is part of a series of country studies exploring the approaches used in four European Union Member States - Bulgaria, Greece, Italy, and Spain to regulate the media coverage of criminal proceedings and the disclosure of information about suspects and accused persons. The reports give an overview of the legal rules governing the public disclosure of information during criminal proceedings and examine the communication between criminal justice authorities and the media, including the access of the media to pending criminal cases. Another focus of the reports is the media coverage of ongoing criminal cases, the binding and non-binding rules governing the work of journalists when reporting on criminal proceedings, and the remedies available to suspects and accused persons to protect their rights or seek compensation for damages when these rules are not observed.
More...Keywords: presidential elections in the Republic of Moldova; Maia Sandu; Igor Dodon; Democratization; Political classes in Moldova;
The results of the presidential elections in the Republic of Moldova, in which Maia Sandu obtain a definite victory over Igor Dodon, can be decisive for the future of the country and must be interpreted in the broader context of democratization of the post-Soviet space. The recent (post) electoral processes in Belarusor Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, or the Republic of Moldova, are all part of a third small wave of democratization that is sweeping the former Soviet republics. Against the background of these regional trends, a series of extant findings are emerging, findings which are related to three dimensions of the local political process: the voters; the political class; and the mandate of the new president.
More...Keywords: festival;catalogue;film;
More...Keywords: festival;catalogue;film;
More...POLITICAL CULTURE AND PARLIAMENTARISM IN UKRAINE: CURRENT STATE AND MAIN PROBLEMS // POLITICAL CULTURE OF UKRAINIAN CITIZENS: SPECIAL ASPECTS AND TRENDS // MAIN PROBLEMS OF PARLIAMENTARISM IN UKRAINE // FEATURES AND TRENDS IN BUILDING A UKRAINIAN POLITICAL CULTURE: EXPERT OPINIONS // PROBLEMS OF FORMATION AND FUNCTIONING OF UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENTARISM // STUDY “UKRAINIAN POLITICAL CULTURE AND PARLIAMENTARISM TODAY: PROBLEMS AND DEVELOPMENT TRENDS, WAYS OF IMPROVEMENT” // CHANGING MOTIVATION TO PROTEST TO MOTIVATION FOR INVOLVEMENT // POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AS AN INDICATOR OF DEVELOPING PARLIAMENTARISM: UKRAINE’S CHARACTERISTICS
More...Keywords: Russian aggression against Ukraine;
More...The Government Policy // Poroshenko makes concessions to separatists // 100 days of Poroshenko’s presidency // Economic Situation // Implementation status of Poroshenko’s “economic” promises for the first 100 days // Budget cannot be object of government manipulations // Reform or tax pressure increase? // Political competition // Traditional approach to Petro Poroshenko’s party list design // “People’s Front” is set to participate in elections independently // “Batkivshchyna” makes a successful PR-trick
More...Keywords: Courts; policy making; effects; BiH; Constitutional Court; transition;
That Bosnia and Herzegovina (‘BiH’) is still, twenty years after the end of the war, a country in transition – not only towards a stable post-conflict society, but also from a ‘moderate authoritarian socialism’ towards a democratic form of government with a different economic system – is a living reality. In the words of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (‘BCC’ or ‘the Court’) itself, the fact of transition is ‘indisputable’. Moreover, because of that, the country ‘has a dominant tendency to become a part of the general stream of internationalization (primarily to join the European Union), which implies a high level of democracy within all segments of society.’ In fact, the parlance of BCC is a witness to an even more specific meaning of transition, one that denotes a sufficient passage of time which would warrant the movement away from the discriminatory power-sharing mechanisms initially justified by the circumstances of necessity, towards a ‘pluralisation of ethnocracy’, or even its transcendence. What is the proper role of the Court in this process of transition? Writing already in 1996, on the dawn of the new era of the Court, the first president of the post-Dayton BCC expressed this general dilemma by indicating that the Court is expected to contribute ‘to the protection and further development of democratic socio-political and legal unity in the country’, but without ever itself becoming a ‘writer of constitution and statutes.’ This general concern expressed in the early years of the Court was not followed by a genuine debate on the proper role of BCC in the Bosnian constitutional system, which was odd considering the problematic nature of the Constitution that resulted from the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (‘Dayton Agreement’). Indeed, the Constitution established a deeply decentralized and unstable state, described by one of the former judges of the Court as ‘the weakest federal system in the world’, and by another as an outright confederation. It also institutionalized what Yee called ‘ethnic sovereignty’, a number of powersharing mechanisms that, because of their often discriminatory nature, stand in apparent conflict with the wide-ranging entrenched human rights protections. Having such a Constitution in focus, which framed a system of government for a truly unstable and ‘fragile democracy’, BCC was faced with a formidable challenge: on the one hand, it was expressly tasked with the ‘upholding’ of such Constitution (Article VI/3), and on the other, there seems to have been an implicit understanding – in view of its composition, competences, and positioning – that the Court was to provide ‘some remedy for the potential ills in the governmental structure’ created by the Constitution itself. The largely unexamined role of BCC in such processes of transformation is made more interesting by a peculiar fact of the Constitution of BiH: despite all of its shortcomings, it proved to be tenacious. Even though it has been noted that the establishment of ‘an enduring constitutional scheme appears to be quite difficult, particularly in new democracies outside of Western Europe and North America’, BiH features one of the oldest constitutions in the region which, in twenty years of its existence, has seen only one formal amendment, of slight importance. Despite the fact that the country still features a deeply divided society and an unstable political system, in those two decades its constitutional system has changed to a significant degree. Although BCC still refuses to define the form of the governmental structure, maintaining that the ‘complexity of the constitutional order of BiH indicates a sui generis system’, the number of the transferred and assumed competences at the state level, along with the accompanying establishment of numerous new institutions, suggests that BiH is now a more robust asymmetrical federation.16 The political regime of consociational democracy, particularly at the lower levels of government, has – to use the terminology of a leading scholar of the Bosnian Constitution – also gone through a significant transformation from an ‘exclusive’ to a ‘participatory ethnocracy.’ In what follows, we will argue that BCC has had an important part to play in this informal constitutional transformation, mainly through its powers of abstract review, on both axes: in relation to state structure and to the political regime in the country. Such focus will also facilitate the examination of the Court as a political institution and a policymaker. In the examination of the contribution of BCC to this process of democratic transition, consolidation and social transformation in BiH, we will employ a multilevel case study approach, where on one hand we will examine the Court as an institution, while on the other we will focus on its specific decisions. Having that in mind, in the first part of the article, we will explore the competence, composition and positioning of BCC and will try to ascertain how such institutional features of the Court have influenced its overall performance. In the second part, we will particularly focus on the question to what degree can it be said that the Court was activist, also trying to characterize the nature of such activism and the understanding of the very notion in the Bosnian context. That will be done, not only by broad overview of BCC jurisprudence in focus areas, but also, in the third part, by more detailed analysis of its landmark decisions. Finally, we will focus on the effects of that activism and its consequences for the Court’s legitimacy.
More...Keywords: BiH; Serbia; media; journalism; investigative journalism; centers; funding;
In the past decade, independent nonprofit centers devoted to the production of investigative journalism according to the highest standards were established in the Western Balkans, joining a world-wide trend of investigative journalism migrating from mainstream media into specialized organizations. This study focuses on two such centers – one in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and one in Serbia - aiming to understand how such a model of an organization, successful primarily in the U.S, but also in several other places, can operate in the specific conditions of the media markets of the two countries. As the examined centers have as their role-models mainly similar centers in the U.S, the question is how applicable the U.S. nonprofit investigative journalism model is in the Western Balkan countries and are we, possibly, witnessing what Zielonka and Mancini dub “the opaque imitation of external models” referring to imported models that “have been put in practice in very different environments from those in which they originated”? Additionally, the study examines the role of the specifics of donor assistance in the Western Balkans on the operation and future of these two centers. While there are many definitions of investigative journalism, there is a broad understanding among professionals that its components are “systematic, in-depth, and original research and reporting, often involving the unearthing of secrets.” We could add that it covers issues which are in the public interest. It often entails heavy use of public records and data-driven journalism, and focuses on social justice and accountability. While some claim that all good reporting should be investigative, the reality is that methods of investigative reporting can take years to master. Kaplan warns that investigative journalism “should not be confused with what has been dubbed “leak journalism”– quick-hit scoops gained by the leaking of documents or tips, typically by those in political power,” which is a common case in the Western Balkans. Donors recognized the contribution of investigative journalism to accountability, development and democracy and included it in programs aimed at strengthening independent media, fighting corruption and promoting accountability, good governance and democracy. In the Western Balkans, donors have used three main approaches aimed at fostering development of investigative reporting. Attempts have been made to develop it by provision of trainings, through grants for investigative reporters, but also through the creation of nonprofit centers that specialize in investigative reporting as a response to various impediments to practicing it in the mainstream media. The development of investigative journalism nonprofits in the former communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, including the region of the Western Balkans, was not only due to the lack of funding in the mainstream media, but “can also be seen as investigative journalism trying to deflect pressure from political, commercial or other special interests.” These independent, often non-profit centers are almost entirely dependent on donor funding. They use cutting-edge research methods, such as data driven journalism, publish mainly on the Internet, foster cross-border investigations, and seem to fill the void created among the traditional media. The question is, however, whether such centers in the Western Balkans are able to follow in the footsteps of successful examples abroad. Therefore, this exploratory study provides an analysis of two independent investigative journalism centers in Serbia and BiH dedicated to the production of investigative stories of the highest standards of Western journalism. The study is focused on the Center for Investigative Journalism Serbia (CINS), based in Belgrade, and the Center for Investigative Reporting (CIN), based in Sarajevo. While these centers resemble similar media operations in the Western countries of developed democracies, such as the U.S., this analysis examines the challenges that the two centers face in the context of their respective countries, such as dealing with shrinking international donor support and ensuring long-term self-sustainability, integration in the local media landscape and willingness by mainstream media to publish their stories so they can reach a wider audience in order to achieve policy impact. In order to answer these questions, the study first provides an overview of the trend of investigative journalism nonprofits and a brief analysis of the centers that CIN and CINS used as their role-models. Second, it outlines the problems in the media landscapes of BiH and Serbia which have an impact on investigative journalism. It then offers an overview of the assistance to investigative reporting in the two countries, followed by in-depth case studies of the two selected centers, based on interviews with their managers, funders and independent media experts. Finally, it provides a conclusion of the findings pertaining to the success in transposing the models upon which the centers were established and key contextual factors that influence their operation and perspectives for sustainability.
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