Series:Helsinki (Serbia) Bulletin

№ 11 - Proposal for Supplementing of Evidence Presentation Proceedings

Author(s): Srđa Popović / Language(s): English

Attorney of family Đinđić, Srđa Popović, before the Trial Chamber conducting the proceedings against defendants for assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić (12 March 2003) on 23 February 2007 submitted two important proposals: the proposal for expansion of indictment and the proposal for supplementing of evidence presentation proceedings.Nata Mesarević, the judge presiding the Trial Chamber, turned down those proposals in late March. Regardless of the foregoing, the Helsinki Charter is running them in their entirety, deeming both initiatives to be of a broader social importance for they are highly indicative of the political ambience in which the assassination had taken place.After finalization of the first-degree trial conducted by the Special Department of the Belgrade District Court, Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, for the same reason shall run the complete documentation including documentary evidence and final ruling of the prosecutor on those proposals.

№ 12 - The Roots of anti-modern Political Culture in Serbia

Author(s): Olga Popović-Obradović / Language(s): English

Translation of the last substantial essay written by the late Serbian historian Olga Popovic Obradovic before her tragically premature death

№ 16 - People’s Radical Party: The Origins of the Ideology of Social, National and Political Unity of the Serb People

Author(s): Latinka Perović / Language(s): English

No one imports radicalism to the Serb people from some outside place. On the contrary, it emerges from the customary law, from Serbia’s overall social reality. And, above all, it emerges from the Serb family commune…The origins of the Serb radicalism are in the people itself, in its legal notions and customs. For our people, behind the façade of a written constitution there is always an unwritten constitution that is based on customs and need not make the foundation of the other, official one. No one from outside imposes radicalism on our people, on the contrary – radicalism arises from the custom law, from Serbia’s entire social reality. (‘Serb Radicalism,’Odjek, May 7, 1889.)

№ 24 - NATO – YES OR NO? (1)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

In early April a debate on relations with the most important military- political alliance, the NATO Pact, has (un)expectedly been launched. Only several days after culmination of anti-NATO campaignon the occasion of the 10th anniversary (24th March) of the NATO operation in the then Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, “Allied Force», to which many in Serbia wrongly and pathetically atrribute a code name of « The Merciful Angel» - a more judicious tones appealing to the reappraisal of self-styled or selfproclaimed military neutrality of the country started to emerge in the public. Such a turnaround in rationalization of the debate on the most significant strategic orientations of Serbia should be viewed within the context of recent developments in Serbia proper, but also in the regional and broader international context.

№ 25 - NATO – YES OR NO? (2)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Early April discreet raising of the issue of the military-security position of Serbia (after Croatia and Albania became full members of NATO), seems to have triggered off a major alarm among the influential members of the conservative block. Urging of few politicians, analysts and commentators that Serbia should re-assess all aspects and angles of its controversial military neutrality (Declaration of Serb Parliament adopted in December 2007 during the tenure of Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunice) from the standpoint of regional milieu and its own European future, was interpreted as the start of the campaign for Serbia's accession to NATO.2 And the motive for the backlash against that unproven intiative, was the announced participation of the two Serb officers in the NATO-manouvres in Georgia, in May-June period.

№ 26 - Kakva Srbija: Simtrična ili asimetrična?

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

A public debate on constitutional revision begun even before Serbia’s new 2006 Constitution was declared. Dissatisfied with the constitutional frame for Vojvodina’s autonomy, the province’s autonomists mostly insisted on the issue. At the Third Vojvodina Convention last December they once again emphasized the need for constitutional amendment. Some speakers at the convention even said that autonomy was no longer a frame that could satisfy citizens of Vojvodina. Inability of the ruling coalition to reach a consensus on the draft Vojvodina statute just fueled their frustrations. In addition, the problems hampering parliamentary and governmental proceedings, and the imperative need to buffer political and economic effects of the global crisis brought constitutional amendment to the fore.

№ 28 - Bajden u Beogradu

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

№ 30 - Crna Reka: an isolated Case or regular Practice?

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

Only two weeks after the Vreme weekly carried the story about brutal “treatment” of drug addicts in the Spiritual Rehabilitation Center Crna Reka Serbia’s public seems to have cleanly forgotten the case. State institutions promptly reacted at shocking scenes of abuse against beneficiaries of the Center broadcast or carried by all the media. Ombudsman Sasa Jankovic filed criminal charges against nine persons for quackery and serious injuries, the Ministry of Healthcare dispatched an inspection to the Center, the Municipal Prosecutor of Tutin initiated investigation against the Center’s manager, Archpriest Branislav Peranovic and his deputy, deacon Nemanja Radisavljevic suspected of brutality and violence, whereas the police begun large scale investigation.

№ 31 - SPOLJNA POLITIKA: BEZ KONCEPTA

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

The domain of foreign policy best reflects the absence of a strategic concept for the country’s development – characteristic of Serbia’s “inner dynamic” ever since the assassination of Premier Zoran Djindjic. Such “concept free” foreign policy is notably evident in the past three years of Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic’s international and diplomatic activism. Though formally a cadre of the Democratic Party – verbally persisting on Serbia’s “European course” (which secured it victory in presidential and parliamentary elections in 2008) – Jeremic has been wasting his indisputably enormous energy on one cause only: on hindering international recognition of Kosovo’s independence.

№ 32 - SRBIJA IZMEĐU STATUTA I REGIONA

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

When will Vojvodina’s draft statute find its way to republican MPs? The answer to the question spoke of various deadlines – firstly it was March, then May and now the summer extraordinary session of the Parliament1 and even early autumn 2009.2 Asked about it, Bojan Pajtic, president of the provincial government, said lately, “I wouldn’t prognosticate since we have finished our job. The responsibility for it is now on republican institutions.”

№ 33 - PROEVROPSKI BLOK U PROCEPU

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

In a way, the global economic crisis sobered up the entire world – and Serbia to some extent. First of all, it laid bare the country’s dramatic economic situation. Serbia is still wasting its modest transitional potential on the delusion that its aspirations towards Bosnia-Herzegovina are viable. Against the backdrop of global turmoil and reshuffle Serbia can count on the support from EU and US only -- and the more so since it has established strong economic ties with the former. Besides, EU channels Serbia towards reforms meant to strengthen its economy in the long run and turn it competitive at the world market. The ruling coalition realized all this at long last – in those circumstances it has been leaning towards EU though faced with strong obstruction from the conservative bloc.

№ 34 - SREBRENICA – TRAJNA OPOMENA

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

This year the world marked the anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide with more consideration than before. This only logically follows the messages sent to the region, and particularly to Serbia over past months. US Ambassador to Bosnia-Herzegovina Charles English said, “The world failed to act, failed to protect the innocent of Srebrenica…The massacre was a stain on our collective consciousness.” Having hesitated for 20 years the EU – and US in the first place – finally realized that there could be not stability in the Balkans without a stable Bosnia-Herzegovina. In a few months only, the new US administration’s engagement in the Balkans produced visible results – and they are mostly visible in the new dynamics in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

№ 35 - PRITISAK STRATEŠKIH IZAZOVA

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

Notwithstanding the persistent anti- NATO propaganda Serbia’s membership of NATO has become the most important geostrategic agenda that is being daily discussed notably by the so-called expert circles. Several crucial domestic and international factors have contributed to such intensified discussion. At home, the global economic and financial crisis pressurizes the incumbent government to rationally decide the country’s geostrategic orientation. Such rational decision would simultaneously open Serbia the avenues of EU assistance in overcoming economic and social problems.

№ 36 - JUG SRBIJE I ALBANSKO PITANJE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

South Serbia has been a neuralgic point ever since the opening of the Kosovo status issue. After NATO intervention /1999/ stability in three South municipalities -- Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja -- has been directly connected to the status issue. Both sides -- Serb and Albanian – hoped for partition, which would place the three municipalities in quite a different context. In early August 2009, American congressman Dan Rohrabacker concretized the “partition idea” – according to him, Serbia and Kosovo should switch territories with each other: Serbia would get North Kosovo with Mitrovica and Kosovo South Serbia with the three abovementioned municipalities. Given that the entire region is of strategic importance for the Serb strategists ensuring it the control over the Vardar Valley, the “offer” is unacceptable to Belgrade. For the same strategic reasons expulsion of Albanians from the three municipalities was Belgrade’s priority in the aftermath of the intervention. In this it succeeded only partially (in Medvedja). In response, local Albanians rebelled in 2001.

№ 37 - OTPOR SREĐIVANJU MEDIJSKE SCENE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

The character of the changes of October 2000 considerably influenced the character of Serbia’s democratization as well. As the new government did not distance itself from Milosevic’s policy, transition in Serbia has been burdened since not only by that policy but also by the same people. That was best mirrored in the media sphere. Given that media freedoms clearly indicate the state of democracy and the rule of law in a state, the media in Serbia have been reflecting an inconsequent social transformation.

№ 38 - Manjine u Srbiji: pod stalnom tenzijom

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

Adoption of a minority law was a major precondition to FR of Yugoslavia’s (Serbia’s) admission to the Council of Europe after the change of the regime in October 2000. Ever since the position of ethnic minorities in Serbia has been constantly supervised by international factors such as EU, OSCE and Council of Europe, foreign embassies, as well as by domestic non-governmental organizations. What marked the past nine years were numerous ethnically motivated incidents and the state’s basically inadequate minority policy. Since the “new” political elite persevered in constituting an ethnic state, the situation of national minorities remained high on the agenda for observers of developments in Serbia. Due to a deficient legal frame -- but also due to non-existent will for changing the overall social climate – minorities are still not satisfied with the manner in which the state and the society treat them.

№ 39 - Srbija: postepeno prihvatanje kosovske realnosti

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

Serbian government elected in spring 2009 retained an ambivalent attitude towards the Kosovo issue – an attitude best reflected in the Democratic Party’s /DS/ slogan “Both Kosovo and EU.” The cabinet relocated “defense of Kosovo” to the domain of the international law (UN, ICJ) intent to either prevent or slow down the process of recognition of the newly born state. The entire initiative is actually an attempt at returning the Kosovo status to a negotiating table and extorting Kosovo’s partition.

№ 40 - Sandžak: Neumitna radikalizacija

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

For over two decades Sandzak – a part of Serbia bordering both on Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro, and mostly populated by Bosniak minority – has been exposed to the state orchestrated, repressive policy aimed at minimizing this minority community. The attitude towards Islam and Muslims in ex-Yugoslavia became harsh and hostile back in 1980s when the Serb elite launched the campaign against Muslims, along with the thesis about “Islamic fundamentalism threatening to destroy Yugoslavia.” The terrain was so prepared for the ensuing genocide in Bosnia the effects of which haven’t bypassed Sandzak Bosniaks either. The attitude towards Muslims has not basically changed since. However, under the pressure from European organizations such as Council of Europe, OSCE and EU, the state has been refraining from overt repression but not from other methods like criminalization of individuals or groups (Vehabits) and, above all, from constant undermining of the Islamic Religious Community as the only Bosniak institution, crucial for their identity.

№ 41 - Serbia: Institutional Social Care and Human Security

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

№ 42 - A Fresh Advance in Euro-Atlantic Orientation

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian

Ever since it consolidated its pro-European course the Serbian cabinet has been confronted by the anti- European and anti-West “alliance” aware that such development posed a threat to its ideological concept. Namely, it feels threatened by the process forcing Serbia to put an end to the national and state question – i.e. to give up its territorial aspiration towards Bosnia-Herzegovina in the first place.