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The work analyzes the historical and political circumstances under which the arrest of Milovan Djilas was planned in 1981, immediately after Josip Broz Tito’s death and during the new wave of repression in Socialist Yugoslavia. The presidency of SFRY and Security Service thoroughly examined the possibility of arresting Djilas on the grounds of ’decades of subversive work’ against the regime in the context of confrontation with the dissidents in almost all the republics at the beginning of the 80s. Djilas was supposed to be some kind of counterweight for the arrests in Croatia (Veselica, Tudjman…). However, he didnt end up in prison mostly because of opportunistic reasons and the regime’s aspirations not to lose the image of a country of liberal communism and cause the world’s reaction because of arresting a world-famous dissident. In this sense, Djilas’s case represents a paradigm of general political repression in Socialist Yugoslavia, therefore it is analyzed in detail here.
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The article analyzes the relationship of the Great Britain towards Hungary, Germany and Austria. It also analyzes the articles from the press of the mentioned countries that were present in the European public stressing the Entante and the Serbian „guilt“ for the Great War. On the other hand, this article stress the individuals in the scientific community of the defeated countries, especially those, who are objectively wrote about Sarajevo 1914 events and the causes of the outbreak of Great War. For example, an eminent German historian and publicist Herman Wendel and some examples of the Hungarian press who supported the „Versailles assertion“ that Berlin pushed its allies into the War. Furthermore, the article highlights the Hungarian sources which showed that Germany was one of the main drivers of the Great War. In particular, the documents from the correspondence of the Count Tisza who was President of the Hungarian government. The conclusion was that Count Tisza was a rare and isolated Austro-Hungarian political official, who estimated that was too early for war. Tisza regarded that in the Balkans and in Europe is „currently unfavorable constellation“ for an payoff, which would „have to come one day sooner or later.“
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Active trade balance was one of the most important factors of financial policy of the Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes. It was supposed to contribute to the stability of the domestic currency. This intention could not be achived until 1924 since the recovery of the economy of the Kingdom from the great casualties and material hardship in the First World War. In following years, the foreign trade balance was active, except in exceptional drought years of 1927 and 1928. The main items of export were agricultural products alongside with raw materials and semi-finished products. On the other hand, the main items of imports were manufactured goods, materials for the textile industry, different machinery and tools. Great importance for the import into the Kingdom of SHS were on its neighbours. In 1929 they accounted around 38.2% of import, while as the destination of the Yugoslav exports were absolutely dominant with 69.16%. The discrepancy between foreign trade and foreign policy of the Kingdom of SHS was obvious. Although the main Yugoslav ally at the time, France has participated in trade with only a few percent. It was similar practice with another Great War ally: Great Britain. Wider economic relations with Czechoslovakia were hindered by lack of Czech interest to purchase goods from the Kingdom of SHS. On the other hand, the most important partners were Italy, which showed huge belligerence against new Yugoslavian state, and have a strained political relations with Kingdom of SHS throughout the 1920s and Austria and Germany, both bitter enemies form the First World War.
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The newspapers of Eastern Germany (Neues Deutschland, Berliner Zeitung, Neue Zeit) printed articles regarding Yugoslavia that were directly influenced by political relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and by the need to secure a diplomatic recognition of Eastern Germany by a non-Allied country. As the motivating force for writing on Yugoslavia was of political origin, those articles mostly dealt with political issues. The articles mainly focused on Yugoslav-Soviet relations, the relations between Yugoslavia and other countries of Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia’s stance regarding the German Question and relations between Yugoslavia and the GDR. The end result was that reporting on these topics was never complete and was far from accurate, the direct cause of which was the propagandist policies that were practiced by Eastern Germany at that time. Most of the articles on Yugoslavia during the first months of 1957 were chosen and reprinted from newspapers belonging to the communist countries (mainly from Moscow as well as from other Eastern European capital cities). In the second half of the year, in conjunction with diplomatic talks, there was the intent to print an increased number of articles concerning Yugoslavia. During that period, the articles became qualitatively different – more informative, longer, dealing with more diverse themes. This change was also rooted in an increased contribution from Eastern German reporters. However, as is typical with most reporting on Yugoslavia done at that time, the function of the articles was more important than the content. Politically influenced articles, especially those concerning diplomatic recognition, had above all the role of propagandist attacks at Bonn. Articles which painted Yugoslavia in a positive light and emphasized the success and advancements of Yugoslavia as a country were done with the intent to form a representative picture of Yugoslavia. The intent driving this type of reporting was two-fold: on one hand, the articles enhanced the meaning of Yugoslavian acknowledgement of Eastern Germany in the extra-political sphere, while on the other hand presenting a utopian vision of a socialist society. Reporting on Yugoslavia also played the role of self-denazification, with the desire to „cleanse“ the country of any guilt related to WWII, and displace that guilt onto the „militaristic and imperialistic“ elite of Western Germany.
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The article is based on archival sources and literature which deals with the issue of refugees who fled from Greece to the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia during the late 1940s. It reconstruct the creation and structure of refugee groups, and analyzes the question of repatriation, citizenship and property of refugees in the context of the Yugoslav – Greek relations. It provides a brief review of the contribution of the refugees in the process of creation of the Slavo-Macedonia nation.
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The paper will examine the theory of the interoperability of armed forces through the case of he Slovenian Independence War of 1991. Although defense system interoperability is a well-established concept, there are many obstacles to its implementation. Some defense systems do not deliberately support the idea of interoperability. One such example is the total defense system in SFR Yugoslavia, which is comprised of two defense components: the Yugoslav People’s Army (YPA) and territorial defense structures organized by the federal republic. The question of interoperability is highly relevant since the war was fought between the YPA and the defense forces of the newly proclaimed independent state, Slovenia, who were partners in the total defense concept. Due to the clear asymmetry, interoperability offered a great advantage in the independence war. The Slovenian defense forces were combined into three structures: the former militia as an internal security element, the territorial defense as a military component, and the national protection forces as a “civil” defense element. Although each structure had its own command and organizational structure, during the Slovenian War they were combined into a well-structured and organized defense element that achieved victory against a much stronger, better equipped, and better supported army.
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When Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito have visited Belgrade based newspaper and publishing houses „Politika“ and „Borba“ in February 1969, he took advantage to present some of his remarks on some of the most important problems of Yugoslav society and international relations within the interview with journalists. Talking about the internal situation in Yugoslavia, Tito’s most important messages were concerned the Albanian “question“ in Kosovo and Metohija. He described the situation in province unrealistically optimistic, stating that all of the problems in this Serbian province are based in economic, social and class problems. On the acutal Albanian requests for a new republic to be created in Kosovo, Tito was not determined and clear. He categorically refused the possibility that propaganda for secession of the Kosovo should be tolerated. The demands for creation of the republic of Kosovo Tito marked as „nonsense“, but he enabled the Albanians to have all the rights as other republics, including the right for the flag. Tito did not allowed that the framework of Yugoslavia should be changed, while the Serbia was not mentioned as a framework in which Albanians should exercise their rights. Tito’s views on international relations showed that he was particularly worried about the maneuvers of the US fleet in the Mediterranean and the crisis in the Middle East. He expressed the impressions of the visit to Romania, which was significant for the Yugoslav foreign policy as the state sharing the same views on the issue of European security. Tito commented the appointment of the Presindet Nixon as the man who „carefully learned the international constellation“ before the he came to power. He showed the belief that Nixon will be „more flexible“. Tito commented the emergence of China as the „new factor“ and assessed that this country was „a source of some concern for the Soviet Union“, since China will become a „nuclear superpower“ one day. For the „most sensitive issue“ among the international security issues Tito marked the Middle East where „one day a blaze can erupt.“
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Pavle Savić, distinguished Serbian scientist, Communist and Partisan, was twice in Moscow since 1944 to 1946: since April to October 1944, and since July 1945 to autumn 1946. Both times he dealt with scientific research in the Institute of physical problems, but during his second staying he paid special attention on providing funds, and financial and personnel assistance for the establishment of the Institute of Physics in Yugoslavia. Together with Soviet scientists led by academician Pyotr Leonidovich Kapitsa, Savić has compiled a detailed project for construction of institute of Physics, and predicted that necessary professional staff should be trained, and necessary material, instruments and apparatus should be purchased in Soviet Union. The project and plans were presented to Josip Broz Tito, and it was proposed to him to formally request help of Soviet government in realization of project, during his visit to Moscow in June 1946. In later memoirs it is mentioned that Tito was first to put forward the idea of building the institute of Physics in Yugoslavia during his visit to Moscow. But, the archival sources clearly indicates that Pavle Savić went to Moscow with a clear assignment to examine possibilities, to design the project and to win support for the construction of the institute. In autumn 1946 Savić came back to Belgrade, and since autumn 1947 he worked intensively on building of Institute of Physics in Vinča, but without the assistance of the Soviet Union, with which the Yugoslav leadership was on the threshold of bitter conflict.
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The relationship between the Milovan Djilas and the British Labourists, are important concerning his later dissident activities. This article reviles the origins and character of these relations, in period when Djilas was in the political power and after 1954 in the first phase of his dissident status. The establishment of the first contacts, exchanging the ideas and developing of personal relationship will bring the harsh political and personal consequences. Djilas was arrested after his article in the New Leader magazine in 1956 where he criticized the Yugoslav standpoint on the events in Hungary. This article is written upon the archival research as well on the wide literature.
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The present study discusses issues related to the dynamic of the lexical system of the Russian language. The article aims at showing how synonymy, that is related to lexical choice patterns, reflects the general trend of lowering the register of contemporary speech. Lexicographic consequences are also discussed. The array of synonyms in current usage is larger than the synonyms represented in dictionaries. One of the characteristics of contemporary lexicography is its orientation towards the replenishment of lexical potential of the language. Well-established dictionaries, as well as amateur-compiled ones that reflect general trends serve as materials illustrating the trend to expand synonymic groups by adding substandard elements and the dependence of the group contents on dictionary type and target audience needs. The conclusion states the interconnectedness between communicative needs of the speakers and the replenishment of lexical means, actual volume of known synonyms, and lexicographic choices made by anthropocentrically oriented dictionaries.
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