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This article focuses on relation of biblical allegory Prodigal son and Rilke’s usage of it in his only novel The Notebooks of Malte Laurids Brigge. I am concerned with specificity of allegory and different roles which are assigned to it. Reader aware of complexity of allegory as trope will also give attention to it in Rilke’s novel. Two main roles of allegory used in Notebooks which author wishes to point out are: (i) substantially-explaining one, and, (ii) methodical. Substantial role can be recognized in the plot which has been changed in interesting and surprising manner, while the methodical one can be discovered in changing conventional way of understanding the allegory, in the ambiguity and in its incompleteness. Associated with those two roles, Rilke also wishes to approve that even such complex trope such is allegory can have its disadvantages. He is revealing the limits of language and the limits of art in general, but also showing the possibility of reasoning through the complex mode of allegory.
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The lens of the photocamera, which in the middle of the 19th century represented a threat of overcoming the art of painting, at first faced hard critiques which often rejected and even ridiculed this mechanical art. However at the beginning of the 1920’s, photography started to take roots in the printed media, and by the end of the 1940’s it had become an important medium of historical documentation. Thirty years later it appeared to be an instrument for revealing reality, while on the other hand retained the power to shock the eye of the beholder with its pornographic images and pictures of terror, and the power to limit the beholder’s opinion by arranging its own content. On the basis of the film Blow-Up, in this text I discuss the role of a photographer during the act of taking photos. I also discuss the subjective / objective reading of a photograph, as well as the mediatory / historicaly conditioned changing of perception.
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In this paper I deal with the broadness and significance of the change and the need to conform to it since it has occured during the globalisation era and brought the people in better and faster contacting among themselves using the electronic media, which then resulted in necessity to teach and enhance both linguistic and IT skills and competence of all: mastering the present global language of communication, English, as well as information and communication technologies since these are inclusive and intertwinned. The aim of this paper is to prove that by using the CALL method (Computer Assisted Language Learning) with young learners such as the primary school years children we can achieve the worldwide set principles of education prosperity and consequently gaining greater working mobility and competence of the future generations. The CALL method incorporates different techniques and tools, such as: word-processing, CD-ROMs, authoring packages and the Internet.
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Russell’s analysis of language in the relation with its theory of knowledge and ontology is discussed in this work. The theory of definite descriptions presents the Russell’s way of solving philosophical problems using language analysis. By reconstructing logical form of an expression Russell presents how we can be mistaken, if guided by grammar. At the same time, he demonstrates forcing all assertions into pre-determined (subject – predicate) schema as limited act of traditional logic. Attitudes expressed in essay On Denoting are considered related to Russell’s view in The Principles of Mathematics where the questions of denotation of definite descriptions are solved in the way similar to Frege’s. In the essay, Russell explicates his theory, considering Frege’s theory of meaning. That’s the reason why this work presents Russell’s understanding of distinction denotation – meaning related to Frege’s distinction reference – sense. The last part of this work shows how distinction between proper names and definite descriptions has to be considered in the relation with Russell’s epistemological views, especially those related to difference between knowledge by acquaintance and knowledge by description.
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After several years of silence, Ingmar Bergman made a new movie. Sarabande reintroduces the characters of the film Scenes from aMarriage, which he directed thirty years ago. The analysis of Sarabande, therefore, provides a great opportunity to give a concise overview of the Swedish film director´s major works in the last six decades. The essay also refers to returning motives, dramaturgical features, and formal elements in Bergman´s work. For it is only with the whole oeuvre in the background that the simple, translucent clarity of Sarabande becomes visible.
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The four concluding chapters of 2 Samuel, the so-called "appendix" of the book, reached their present form after the main blocks of Samuel had already been put together. The six pericopes that constitute these chapters provide, on the one hand, an evaluation of David´s life, and on the other, make him face every kind of difficulty and vicissitude, just to prove that, since he was able to cope with them all, he is rightly considered the ideal ruler, whose life can be interiorised (similarly to the paradigm the psalms made of this figure) either in terms of the problems of everyday life (how to develop relationships with non-Israelites), or as the embodiment of some sort of messianic hopes. Thus the "appendix" shows both forms of the reinterpretation the royal material in the Bible went through. The present article focuses on the initial pericope (2Sam 21,1-14). After a narrative analysis, the episode is discussed as a historical document, trying to detect when and in what circumstances the final redaction took place.
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The essay provides a presentation of the 1908 Eclesiastical Art Exhibit and its reception. While the Exhibit was applauded by the clergy, critics were rather dismissive of it. The most remarkable among the articles in the catalogue to the exhibition are the ones written by the catholic priest and art historian Henrik Fieber (1873-1920). His endeavours aimed to broaden the acceptance of modern art movements also within the Church, which at that time was still all in favour of historicism. To promote this, he organized courses and called for the establishment of a state-accredited comittee for ecclesiastical art. It was only after his death that his plans became reality.
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Today the Western Balkans can claim to have moved beyond the period of reconstruction and stabilization. The current issues are development, and NATO and EU accession. It would be accurate to state that preserving and bolstering the region’s security and prosperity now depends on the dynamics of comprehensive national security reforms, on developing close and ongoing regional security cooperation, and on the pace of NATO and EU integration. “From a regional perspective, the Western Balkans face similar security threats as the rest of Europe,” writes the author, Macedonia’s minister of defence. “The threats do not stop at national borders. They include international terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the collapse of failed states, and organized crime. What makes them special is their respective intensity, and the differences among the countries of the region in terms of their capacity to handle risks.”
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A 76-year-old Prague scholar’s seminal 1,110-page work on the history of Central Europe contains an unbelievable wealth of material, which in itself qualifies as a unique achievement. Jan Kren more or less shares the notion that Central Europe is the region between Germany and the former Soviet Union. This roughly means Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary, a somewhat simplified definition compared to classifications hitherto applied. Nevertheless, the survey of the history of the past two hundred years of these four countries – the “long” 19th century and “short” 20th – is comprehensible to the non-expert, too, and the general tendencies typical of the region are also clearly identifiable and applicable under a more broadly construed definition of Central Europe. The essence of Kren’s book can be summarized somewhat simplistically. It shows that what undoubtedly holds true for Central Europe is that although the geopolitical interests of the nations and states in this region were identical (and remain so), their joint assertion, as a result of demagogy proclaimed as a national value and myopic politics pursued in the guise of various worldviews, was not at all or hardly ever considered. Jan Kren: Közép-Európa kétszáz éve. (Two Hundred Years of Central Europe.) Prague, Argo Publishers, 2006.
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This article seeks to provide a brief overview of changes in Central and East European constitutions, to discuss the main reasons for modifications that were enacted, and to draw conclusions regarding the Hungarian process of writing and amending its constitution. Thus the article briefly reviews the main stages in the writing of the constitutions of Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine, and then proceeds to describe the development of the Hungarian Constitution and the reasons for drafting new constitutions. The conclusion discusses common elements and tendencies.
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Stanislaw Wielgus, bishop of the northern Polish town of Plock, was designated by Pope Benedict XVI as successor to the 77-year-old Józef Glemp as cardinal of Warsaw, the foremost Catholic position in Poland. However, almost immediately following the appointment, the Polish press published swaths of revelatory articles (containing both facts and innuendo) suggesting that Wielgus had worked as an informant for the Polish secret police. Nonetheless, the Holy See, and specifically Benedict XVI, assured the cardinal-designate – an internationally renowned theologian considered a hardliner and also known to be close to the frequently anti-Semitic Radio Maryja, which relentlessly castigates Poland’s communist past and politicians who were in some way involved in it – of his full confidence. The ordination ceremony was scheduled to take place on Sunday, 7th January, in Warsaw Cathedral. However, the ordination turned instead into a resignation, mea culpa and apology, and the festive event instead became a thanksgiving mass for Cardinal Glemp. At the joint request of the Vatican and the Polish episcopacy, Glemp remained in office. Though the open storm may have settled, the crisis and the dilemma remain, affecting not only the Polish Catholic Church, but the Vatican and Pope Benedict XVI personally as well. The Wielgus affair is considerably more than a simple informant scandal, and despite appearances raises problems that are not new. Indeed, the crisis has in fact much deeper roots, both in Poland and in the Vatican.
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Except for indicators measuring macroeconomic stability, Hungary tends to perform well when it comes to indicators that can be considered objective. Nevertheless, when it comes to indicators that also include subjective elements, the country keeps slipping further behind its competitors each year. What is truly notable, even compared to the other new EU member states, is the tendency towards macroeconomic instability. Still more spectacular is the instability of fiscal policy. The latter is especially problematic because if we consider the countries that managed to break out of previously unfavourable situations – such as Ireland and Sweden, but also Estonia – we find that achieving macroeconomic stability was the foremost goal of economic policy. We also find that in order to achieve this, transparent institutions – by which we mean the entirety of customs and rules that determine the range of accepted behavioural norms in a society – were created in parallel with the implementation of fiscal adjustments. Hungary can only break out of its current situation if it undertakes a systematic examination of international experiences, since a compatible strategy can only be composed of compatible elements. In the meantime, in accordance with international best practices, we must create institutions that help these processes.
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Previously most societies in Central Europe were confident that if their demographic policies functioned well they could stop their populations from ageing, and maybe even from declining. At least until the end of the 1980s, decision-makers and intellectual public opinion believed that if such policies worked and if families acted responsibly, then demographic changes would be manageable. Since the end of the 1990s, however, it is evident that even non-expert decision-makers are aware that the ageing of society cannot be stopped merely by demographic means. The fundamental debate flaring up again today is about the role immigration might play in the fight against ageing. This forecast for the coming decades was prepared for The Analyst by the director of the Sociological Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
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It is generally the “holy trinity” of energy policy – security of supply, competitiveness, and sustainability (environmental considerations) – that sets the future course of EU and Hungarian energy policy. In terms of practically applying these policies, however, the serious problem arises that their simultaneous implementation is not really feasible. It is not easy to clearly formulate either the common features or differences between the EU’s and Hungary’s energy policy objectives and aspirations. On the one hand, this is because the EU’s recently published concepts and directives do not reflect a clearly structured set of goals, but rather a mass of conflicting intentions. And on the other hand, the designated and practically implemented goals of Hungarian energy policy are not consistent either. Taking all the above into consideration, the author attempts to enumerate the points where EU and Hungarian energy policy objectives harmonize, and where they diverge.
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Warsaw’s strong attachment to transatlantic relations (especially since Poland became a member of NATO and the European Union) acts as a kind of political instrument through which the Polish leadership – whatever its political stripe – seeks to compensate for Poland’s deficiencies, and through which it hopes to raise the country’s real weight in the world, and especially in Europe and its own region. In its decision to accept certain elements of the American NMD system on its territory, Warsaw is undoubtedly also motivated by this compensatory Atlanticism. Through its contribution to the American missile defence system, Poland – whose fate is tied to the EU in the long term – can only avoid the serious risk of becoming isolated within Europe if the project is realized within the framework of NATO and in consultation with Russia. In this case, Warsaw can remain on the well-trodden path followed since 1990, which views security and defence policy as the added value Poland brings to the Euro-Atlantic alliance, and to the European Union.
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Following the 2006 elections, in the campaign leading up to which foreign policy hardly figured at all, a vibrant public debate began in Hungary – especially in the press – which expressed the desire to develop a new foreign policy strategy. The author of the article discusses the main conclusions of this debate, outlining the potential room for manoeuvre of Hungarian foreign policy and analyzing the key “objective” circumstances with respect to foreign policy, and also expounds on the significance of transatlantic relations. He then goes on to delineate point by point the fundamental principles and objectives of Hungary’s envisioned new foreign relations strategy.
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This research addresses interagency coordination from an architectural perspective utilizing a systems engineering process. Interagency coordination is not fully understood and has proven difficult for various U.S. government agencies to replicate. Two examples of successful interagency coordination are used in this analysis: the Joint Interagency Task Force-South (JIATF-South) and Special Operations Forces (SOF) high-value target teams. These organizations are decomposed into their top-level functions and organized by their major physical components. These results are applied in the creation of a notional top-level functional and physical architecture for the U.S. European Command’s new Joint Interagency Counter-Trafficking Center (JICTC).
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