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This article presents a brief analysis of the claims that the new European realities have to be funded on federalist basis. But the federalism raises a set of problems, regarding group membership and states’ liberties. The conclusion is that the issue of European construction related to federalism remains unsolved; it is a matter of option between two ways, each one with barely predictable ends – therefore, it is a matter of risk also.
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This article is focused in general on the way Romanian legislation is synchronized with EU’s, and in particular on the laws related with Aarhus Convention provisions and their enforceability. Authors’ conclusion is that even if a formal framework exists, in Romania there is no appropriate environmental protection. This situation creates dark perspectives for Romania, with the probability of becoming a permanent client of EJC due to its environmental problems.
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Dominique Schnapper “Comunitatea cetăţenilor: asupra ideii moderne de naţiune”, traducere din limba franceză şi prefaţă de Ana-Luana Stoicea-Deram, editura Paralela 45, Pitesti, 2004.
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A comparative analysis of the legislative framework related to the electoral process in France, Italy and Spain, approaching every detail of the legislation. The conclusions show that all these legislative systems have corruption opportunities, which developed methods of illicit financing. The most effective mechanism for control of parties financing is the French, while the Spanish one leads to the highest dependency of the parties on state finances. Italy have an increased magistrates’ independency to investigate political corruption.
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This article proposes a model for the analysis of democratic transition in Romania. Over the last 15 years Romanian democracy has shown all the signs considered by experts illnesses of democracy, but in the same time we have all the signs that all these symptoms and syndromes were overcame, so that Romanian democracy is on its way to consolidation. The conclusion is that, given that a veritable democracy construction needs time, we have to be patient, a fortiori in Romania’s case, in which democratic roots have been evicted by a totalitarian regime.
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The researcher arrives. iPod, camera, Uher tape recorder, the works. “Yesterday”, he tells me, “I interviewed an old gentleman just like you. Yes, a little hunched, hands shaking, eyebrows twitching, you know… He was a child in the war, too, except on the other side.”
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Speech by Viktor Orbán at the 14th Plenary Assembly of the World Jewish Congress, Budapest, 5 May 2013
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Ferenc Békássy belongs to that small but distinct group of people who before the First World War were “at home” in two languages: Hungarian and English. In fact he wrote poetry in both and could have gone on to write even better poems had he not fallen in 1915 during the First World War fighting the Russians. He was only 22 years old at the time, but his death was mourned by Mihály Babits, one of Hungary’s leading poets and also by his best English friend, the Cambridge economist John Maynard Keynes. Keynes was so fond of young Békássy that in the summer of 1912 he visited him in Western Hungary where the Békássy family owned property.1 It is now also clear that he was instrumental in the publication of a collection of Ferenc Békássy’s verse written in English, under the title Adriatica and Other Poems (The Hogarth Press, London, 1925). In recent years interest in Békássy’s work has increased in his native Hungary2, so his relationship with James Strachey, the younger brother of Lytton Strachey is worth investigating.
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The departure of Lady Thatcher evokes in me impressions that had been crucial in the shaping of my understanding of politics – in a very irregular political education as a writer on the margins of the soft communist dictatorship of János Kádár. But also as an Americanist scholar with living personal contacts to the contemporary ferment of American and English poetry and art.
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Is oral history worth the paper it is printed on? Does it not hint at facts missed by historians? Could it serve as a footnote in their chronicles? Two of my sources – thoughtful men with minds more at home in a distant era than I ever will be – have offered tantalising details of a story three centuries old and still alive in Szabolcs County, in Hungary’s north-eastern extremity. The sources lured me into the Age of Enlightenment they loved as a glorious niche of time when heroic nobles walked the Old World and demanded such earth-shaking reforms as the abolition of serfdom, the end of state censorship, freedom of religion, and the removal of bigoted kings.
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Back when I was a student at the Dresden Institute of Technology in the 1970s, I rarely felt comfortable actually going to an area, ominously dominated as it was by derelict barracks and Russian military vehicles in the streets. There was one exception: the building of the former Saxon Cadet School. This was used as an officers’ mess for the Soviet troops, and civilians were sometimes granted entry in the evening, perhaps by means of bribes or other unorthodox practices. Sitting in the gallery, listening to Russian sixties and seventies hits and drinking cheap vodka, my fellow students and I would keenly scout the dance floor and whenever we spotted a pretty Russian or Asianlooking girl, we would dash across and ask her for the next dance. Yes, hard as it is to believe, such fraternisation even took place in the barracks quarter of Dresden, which, by a twist of fate, somehow survived the terrible bomb attacks in February 1945. As a reserve officer of the German army, I was not so long ago asked to take part in a military training programme in Dresden. The training was held in the same building, now functioning as the German Army Officers’ School, well restored and refurbished with a new, elegant officers’ mess building. A far cry from the communist days, when if someone had told me how the building would turn out I would called them a fool.
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I’d like to present a new project that finds itself in the borderland – between literature, knowledge about literature and knowledge from the perspective of literature. The project is entitled “Beyond the Horizon of Europe” and it endeavours to tell about the place and the context. About a slightly different Belarusian literature – the literature that emerged in the late 1980s. But to tell it in a different way. Being part of this situation, I fail to find a perspective safe enough to allow me to speak impartially.
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Of those of my generation who became involved with belles-lettres in one way or another, I was probably the only one to have been reared on the works of the so-called “populist” writers. Even as a university student in the late 1970s and early 1980s, this peculiar background made me look like an oddball, or less charitably a redneck with obsolete tastes who had fallen irreversibly behind somewhere along the way. I do not recall receiving glances of pity but I certainly elicited plenty of astonishment and incomprehension, even from my peers who had also grown up in the countryside. It seemed that works created decades before by such noted populist writers as Péter Veres, Pál Szabó, Géza Féja, even Gyula Illyés or Zsigmond Móricz, struck a chord and resonated within me. The hands-on emotional knowledge, the experience of being touched, had all but vanished without a trace by then; the intimacy of recognition was no longer really available as a memory let alone as an actual option, not even for those of my own ilk.
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Which has priority over the other, the Hungarian state or the Hungarian nation? Although the two concepts are closely related, they are unquestionably not the same. Consequently, it is quite legitimate to ask whether state building or nation building should be given preference. This question, however, cannot be answered without defining one’s position on the idea of the nation. Since the systemic changes of 1989–1990 the issue of nationhood has become central to Hungarian politics. The following study makes an attempt at outlining the strategies of Hungarian political conservatism in respect of the nation since the fall of the communist regime in 1989. But before exposing in detail the thesis of this study, some words here would be useful about the history of the relationship between conservatism and nationhood in the Hungarian context.
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Balkan or Balkans is an odd word. The term “Balkanise” is familiar to everybody far and wide, being used to designate a social process in which not merely is there a perceptible economic decline but also a coarsening of relations between people. It seeks to imply some kind of deterioration, decay and renewed primitivisation, and it often flies from the lips of those who are themselves not distant enough, but at the same time haven’t the foggiest idea what lies at the back of it, where it starts and ends, whence the ominous expression sprang to their lips like a curse: Balkans.
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