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Vojta Beneš stood in the shadow of his more celebrated brother, President Edvard Beneš, and he was condemned to live to see Edvard’s failure in 1948. He was politically active throughout his life. During the first half of the 20th century, he was an important figure in Czechoslovak social democracy. He did not cease to struggle even after the communist putsch. Vojta Beneš was an important person at the birth of anti-communist resistance. His role in this defiance is presented in a study by Václav Veber.
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None of the totalitarian regimes could overlook entertainment. The Czechoslovak communists concluded that the best way to humanise their repressive forces, as represented by the Ministry of the Interior, would be for them to have their own artistic ensemble. Consequently, the Artistic Ensemble of the Ministry of the Interior was established in the first half of 1950’s. It was generally known by its nickname Fízlrevue. Naturally, the performances of this ensemble had propaganda events at any opportunity afforded by an anniversary or comradely visit. The ensemble toured diligently. It had its own singing, acting, revue and dance sections. A number of premieres also contributed to the development of socialist culture (or at least tried to).
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An interview with Ntsiki Sandi.
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The activity of Czechoslovak soldiers in the wars in Indochina and Vietnam is uncovered in a study by Ladislav Kudrna. The author closely surveys the fate of some Czechoslovak foreign legionnaires who fought under a different country’s fl ag, suff ered, died and, in many cases, ended up in captivity. The repatriation of these captives back to their homeland and their exploitation for propaganda purposes comprises an important part of the entire study. Nonetheless, its main benefit is the light it throws on the unknown destinies and contributions of Czechoslovaks in conflicts on the other side of the world.
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The last shots of the Second World War were fired on the territory of Czechoslovakia or the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, as it was then. At a time when German forces were capitulating throughout Europe, tens of thousands of Germans tried to flee to the West ahead of the advancing Red Army. They had one goal in mind: to be captured by the Americans. The demarcation line ran through the village of Čimelice and this was the place where the commander of SS units in the Protectorate, Carl Friedrich Graf von Pückler-Burghaus, had retreated to. This study describes the fate of German commanders and their units, the Czech negotiators headed by the aristocrats Count Václav Norbert Kinský and Prince Karl VI of Schwarzenberg, as well as that of the resistance fighters and Allied soldiers who eventually surrounded and occupied Čimelice. Light is also shed on the subject of von Pückler-Burghaus’s bitter end and the general’s resting place, which has not been known until now.
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The gender factor influences the characteristics of the parental role and the parental social cognitions related to the child. In this way the discipline methods used by parents show special characteristics according to the gender of the parents and the child. The present study, using a sample of 3747 parents from Romania, follows the use of physically violent discipline methods by the gender of parents and children, in three different age groups of the child (12, 14 and 16 years old). The results show that both mothers and fathers use more often physical discipline methods, if their child is a boy. In the case of mothers, the use of physical discipline is decreasing as the child grows, while the fathers use most often physical discipline methods with their 13-14 years old children.
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W 1920 roku, na mocy traktatu wersalskiego, II RP przypada 72-kilometrowy pas wybrzeża na północny zachód od Gdańska. Polska uzyskuje też prawo nieograniczonego wykorzystania tamtejszego portu. Sam Gdańsk – w większości zamieszkany przez Niemców – wraz z uzdrowiskiem Sopot i Żuławami, stanowić ma Wolne Miasto Gdańsk.
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N iezwyczajna, wyjątkowa to lektura. Urzędnik średniego szczebla w prowincjonalnym sądzie rozprawia się metodycznie z nazistowską polityką informacyjną w początkowej fazie II wojny światowej. Czyni to wprawdzie na własny, można by rzec, domowy użytek, ale dogłębność analizy i poziom krytycyzmu czynią z jego diarystycznych zapisków dokument jedyny w swoim rodzaju.
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W ojnę – z perspektywy wielkich frontów, działań wojennych armii – zapisują głównie wyżsi oficerowie. Jest w tych opisach chwała żołnierza, zmysł taktyczny dowódców, przebieg zwycięskich bitew. Rzadko zdarza się, by szeregowy żołnierz utrwalił życie na tyłach. Przedstawiamy fragmenty niezwykłego dziennika plut. Jerzego Konrada Maciejewskiego, który otwarcie pokazuje żołnierzy na zapleczu frontu – w ich trudnej, ale często barwnej codzienności.
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Na początku lat 90. każdy świadomy człowiek, fotograf czy nie, zdawał sobie sprawę, że wokół dzieje się coś ważnego. Fotograf ma potrzebę dokumentowania codzienności, dlatego na moich zdjęciach z tego okresu można zobaczyć uliczny handel mięsem, stragany, przechodniów. Miałem świadomość, że za dwadzieścia lat te zdjęcia będą cenniejsze niż w momencie powstania.
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K ończy się przełomowy rok 1989. Tadeusz Mazowiecki – pierwszy po wojnie niekomunistyczny premier w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej, twórca rządu, który rozpoczął wprowadzanie Polski w nowy okres jej historii – jest też człowiekiem wybranym na stanowisko zgodnie z bieżącą taktyką Lecha Wałęsy, służącą ograniczeniu wpływów przewodniczącego Obywatelskiego Klubu Parlamentarnego Bronisława Geremka. Nowy szef rządu deklaruje jednak, iż nie będzie premierem malowanym, co odczytuje się jako ogłoszenie niezależności zarówno w stosunku do PZPR, jak i do przewodniczącego NSZZ „Solidarność”. Wałęsa, który za granicą, między innymi w Kongresie USA, przeżywa wielkie dni, odkrywa, iż na arenie krajowej znalazł się w pewnym stopniu na marginesie
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Wywołana przez „Kartę” 74 debata, podjęta po obu stronach (marzec 2013 – listopad 2014)
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W grudniu 1944 w Izbicy wsiadłem do pierwszego pociągu do Lublina. Podczas podróży powtarzałem sobie moją polską „historię rodzinną”. W mieście znalazłem szybko biuro poborowe. Wszedłem i tam stanąłem przed stołem, za którym siedział oficer.
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Przełom ku demokracji 1989 roku nie nastał za sprawą ludzi, których wybrano, lecz – którym zawierzono. 4 czerwca masowo popierano zmianę władzy, kierując się głównie wskazaniem na „drużynę Wałęsy” – jako tę, która zasługuje na zaufanie. Zaprocentowało kilkanaście lat grupowego konstruowania alternatywy, z liderem „Solidarności” jako wodzem, uznanym po Sierpniu.
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GEORGE FRIEDMAN: THE NEXT 100 YEARS: A FORECAST FOR THE 21ST CENTURY New York: Anchor Books Edition, January 2010, 272 pages, ISBN: 978-0-7679-2305-7. Jovana Jovic TRACEY GERMAN: REGIONAL COOPERATION IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: GOOD NEIGHBOURS OR DISTANT RELATIVES? Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2012, 195 pages, ISBN: 9781409407218 (hardback), ISBN: 9781409407225 (ebook). Brigita Šalkutė ANDRÁS RÁCZ (ED): THE WIKILEAKS CABLES AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES AND THE BALTIC STATES Budapest: Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, 2013, 100 pages, ISBN: 978-963-7039-37-9 Anna Sedy
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By the end of the 1990s, Japan began to have a new foreign policy approach. The bilateralism that was typical for the ColdWar period started to be contested by Tokyo’s multilateralism incentive, as Japan took part in a number of organizations, such as APEC or the ARF. While its commitment to multilateralism seemed imminent, at the time of the global financial crisis, Japan remained faithful to its bilateral alliance with the United States. The dilemma between this alliance and Japan’s will to multilateralism needs to be addressed. The article addresses it by providing an analysis of Japan’s discourse connected to its membership in the two organizations, which were crucial for Tokyo’s new multilateralism. It creates a typology of legitimization practices based on IR theory and Theo Van Leeuwen’s discursive modes of legitimization – the instrumental, moral and social modes. The article then tests this typology on Japan’s primary discourse and comes to the conclusion that while moral and social legitimization were crucial in the first stages of Tokyo’s multilateral strategy, an instrumental strategy became dominant in the later stages.
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The article examines the efficacy of the efforts to promote a country through its hosting of a sports mega-event. It presents a preliminary analysis of the impact that Poland’s hosting of UEFA Euro 2012 had on the perception of Poland in the eyes of the foreign press. The results show that in spite of the underdeveloped branding strategy and several promotional mishaps at the beginning of the tournament, Poland has benefited considerably from organizing the event. A content analysis of press reports gathered around the world by Polish embassies proves that the direct experience of the visitors of the event, especially the journalists accredited at the championship, may have contributed to changing the stereotypical image of Poland as a country of traditionalistic, fervently Catholic farmers into an image of Poland as a quickly developing, aspiring and modern European country.
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This article explores the European Union’s energy relations with the Russian Federation through the prism of the political discourse by trying to identify its most salient formations, which respectively center around three concepts: 1) integration, 2) liberalization, and 3) diversification. Building on a detailed discourse analysis of 176 statements and documents produced by EU leaders and institutions, the article focuses on a) the common and the differing aspects of the three concepts, b) their major themes, c) the perception of Russia on the part of the EU, and d) the way the norms and values of the EU relate to its identity and its effects on EU interests. The bulk of the documents used in the article covers the period of the so-called first Barroso Commission, which lasted from 2004 to 2009.
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