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During an extremely complex period of time spanning from the death of King Aleksandar up to Yugoslavia joining the Tripartite pact, the leadership of the Peasant Alliance did not manage to establish unity, on the contrary the opposition between the left and right fractions became all the more obvious. The conciliatory attempt of Milos Moskovljević did not succeed since the leaders of the both the left and right wings remained „entrenched” in their stands on almost all important state and party matters. The peasant left fraction headed by Dragoljub Jovanović formed an independent People’s Peasant Partyat the end of this period. Instead of trying to establish unity and strengthen the party, the leadership was preoccupied with the idea that it too could at a given time, come to power. Party leaders, primarily Joca Jovanović and Milan Gavrilović, made efforts to maintain „good” relations with Prince Pavle, often by expressing ingratiating support for some of his acts. Even when negotiating with Vlatko Maček on the formation of the Block of National Agreement, they took care not to „hit” on the first regent. That many in the leadership of the Peasant Alliance were interested in coming to power can be seen in the fact that a substantial number of them became candidates on the government ticket in the fifth of May elections, which led to violent confrontations and divisions within the right fraction itself. Finally, when Branko Čubrilović joined the government of Dragiša Cvetković in 1939 and when Milan Gavrilović was appointed the diplomatic representative of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia to the USSR, the Peasant Alliance came to power as a government party.
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The promotion of Yugoslavism and Yugoslav ideology in the Vardar banovina took place at several levels. One of the more subtle forms of conducting national policy in the southern part of the country was the celebration of various state and national holidays and jubilees. The government insisted on the significance of celebrating the anniversary of liberation from Turkish rule by organizing expensive public celebrations where the representatives of the military and civil authorities, with the presence of the paramilitary formations, the so called, people’s militia, glorified their own achievements and merits for the progress of the southern province. The central event was the celebration of the 25th anniversary of liberation (1937) when the whole Vardar banovina was marked by a recapitulation of the Yugoslav administration. Manifestations of a more provocative character were celebrations of the „anniversary of the first draftees from Southern Serbia” where whole garrisons of the Third Army District took part, parading together with the četnik (chetnik) detachments and aggressive „national militia” from the Bregalnica district. Yet, public expressions of dissatisfaction with the existing government order on the eve of the Second World War and the open sympathy for the enemies of Yugoslavia were signs that the policy of integral Yugoslavism in the southeastern part of the country was defeated. Old Serbian families were rapidly selling their estates and like many government clerks moving to the north. The „Macedonian” dialect prevailed even in the busiest streets in Skoplje, fear disappeared and spilled over to the other side.
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After 1935, the Communist party of Yugoslavia began its popular front phase in which it would according to directives received from Moscow shed it old hardcore phraseology, the secret party cells activity, deep conspiratorial nature of its activity and sectarian dogmatism. The party leadership decided in 1934, in an attempt to get closer to the „masses”, to form national communist parties in Slovenia, Croatia and in the nearest future in Macedonia which would operate within the CPY organization. The focus of CPY activity was directed at a greater engagement of local, national cadre, popularizing the Party among the „oppressed peoples” and putting an end to „national reformism”. It specially underscored that the international character and organizational unity of the CPY will not be weakened by this decision, because the CP of Croatia and CP of Slovenia will be integral parts of the CP of Yugoslavia. This idea was realized in 1937 when the Central Committee of CP Slovenia and Central Committee of the CP of Croatia were formed. The Macedonian Communist Party was not formed due to the weak party organization in that province. The leadership of the CPY did not consider the formation of the Montenegrin and Bosnian and Herzegovinian communist parties, while the „Serbian question” was thought to have been surpassed and finally resolved. Apart from uniting and strengthening the party structure in the western parts of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the formation of the communist parties of Slovenia and Croatia set the boundaries of the Slovenian and Croatian „national territory”. Recomposing the CPY according to the „national boundaries” in the second half of the thirties was used as the starting point for the project of federalizing the country as was proclaimed during the Second World War.
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The most intensive wave of emigration in the history of Yugoslavia was launched by the Yugoslav labor market crisis in the 60s. Most of the emigration from Serbia and other parts of Yugoslavia were directed primarily at the developed countries of Western Europe that had an increased need for the import of workers. According to Yugoslav statistical data, more than 900 000 Yugoslav „gastarbeiters” (guest workers) worked in Western Europe in 1793. Most Yugoslavs worked in the Federal Republic of Germany and Austria. According to domestic statistic data circa 270 000 citizens of Serbia (excluding Kosovo) were working abroad in 1991 the year that Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia disintegrated. A new wave of emigration from Serbia was initiated by a severe economic crisis, after the break up of the country, a result of the wars that had been fought on the territory of Yugoslavia. The census of 2002 showed that more than 400 000 citizens of Serbia (excluding Kosovo) were living abroad. However, the Serbia diaspora is much larger. It is estimated that today between 3.5 and 4.5 million Serbs with or without Serbian citizenship live abroad. The emigration wave of 90s was characterized by the fact that a significant number of highly educated citizens of Serbia left the country which was and is now a heavy blow to the development potential of Serbia. The paper presents data on the remittances sent by the Serbian emigrants, which according to the World Bank sources amounted to 5 billion dollars annually for the period 2007 to 2009. Received remittances constitute as high as 13% of the Serbian GDP. A year later, according to World Banka data, Serbia was ranked 20th on the list of countries with the highest remittances received from abroad.
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John Lennon’s pacifist, anti-imperialist, and communist political stands attracted worldwide public attention at the turn of the sixties and seventies of the 20th century. The Yugoslav public was also interested in his stands and was specially intrigued by Lennon’s sudden interest in the Yugoslav socialist self-management system (1971). Not only did he write about it, but Lennon gave an interview to the Yugoslav press saying that the Yugoslav system of self-managing socialism was on the best path to communism. Later, especially after Lennon’s death (1980), his left-wing views that sometimes intersected with Marxism were underscored in the Yugoslav public. According to what he publically said, John Lennon was and remained a friend of socialist Yugoslavia.
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At the beggining of July of 1941 the Central Comittee of Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) gave orders and prepared for armed combat with occupiers and collaborationists on the territory of occupied Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Belgrade was the center from which CPY led this combat. In this article we are reconstructing the methods that were used by Belgrade communists in the goal of implementing above mentioned orders. According to the data we have collected from the reports of collaborationists and occupiers, communist resistance in Belgrade had 33 actions in July, from which: 9 actions included burning occupiers and collaborationists press, 10 attacks on vehicles, 5 attacks on occupiers objects, 2 attacks on objects of citizens and 7 actions of cuting telecommunication lines. Circumstances like lack of personnel and material resources needed for army combat in urban areas, but also strength of occupiers and collaborationists were impassable obstacle for CPY to make „a battle fortress” of Belgrade.
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Ian Almond, Representations of Islam in Western Thought (“Predstavljanja islama u zapadnjačkoj misli”) CNS: Sarajevo, 2010.
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• Alain Badiou - Današnja ideologija je dezorijentacija • Cormac Ó Gráda - Treći jahač Apokalipse • Leszek Kolakowski - Koliko izama potrebuje čovjek? • Peter Stein - Zašto se skrivaju iza Shakespearea? • Jean-Claude Monod - Misliti neprijatelja • Jan Assmann - Jedan novi oblik nasilja • Zygmunt Bauman - Kad ljudi postanu suvišni • Gianni Vattimo - Ne više teror
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BUDI BISER, BISER BUDI! Antologija perzijskoga pjesništva od 10. stoljeća do naših dana. Priredio i preveo Ebtehaj Navaey. Izdavač: V.B.Z. Zagreb; godina izdanja: 2009.
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