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Until recently, the intuitive conviction prevailed that a departure from the centuries-old eschatological tradition, which required cremation of the corpse, took place shortly after the baptism of Mieszko I in 966. In this way, archaeologically confirmed the belief of medieval chroniclers that the conversion of the ruler resulted in the rapid Christianization of his subjects. Meanwhile from the time of his reign (before 963–992) there are no (except for Poznań) reliable evidence of a change in the funeral rite. The current dating of the oldest skeletal burials allows this change to be placed only in the last decade of the 10th century, that is already in the times of Bolesław the Brave. This means that our first historical ruler was not archaeologically visible successes in enforcing the Christian way of burying the dead.
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Coins are the best dater of any artifact discovered in archaeological contexts. The time of circulation must be added to the date of creation of the coins. Coin dating is also more precise than that using 14C radioactive carbon analysis. The earliest, but only sporadic, coins appear in graves at Silesia (Germany). They are more common in cemeteries in Wielkopolska (Dziekanowice, Sowinki), Kujawy (Bodzia) and Gdańsk Pomerania (Kałdus, Warm). The beginnings of depositing these coins in graves can be assessed for a period not earlier than the last quarter of the 10th century, and more certainly for the years 990–1000. This corresponds to the beginning of Bolesław's reign Brave (992–1025), i.e. a quarter of a century after the adoption of Christianity. Has this rite existed in Poland before, finally the reign of Mieszko I cannot be ruled out. For now, however, there are no numismatic arguments for this. We also don't know whether there were earlier skeletal graves, which, however, did not contain coins.
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Liberal democracy is recognized today as a legitimate political system almost across the entire world. However, it is not an ideal model, but a political process taking place before our eyes. The author argues that the concept of illiberal democracy, which appeared recently in political discussions, seems to consolidate and petrify a certain moment within the democratic process, whereas the latest research on collective emotions as a factor for political change, has turned out to be more helpful in understanding the nature of it. An analysis of the formation of negative emotions in the works of Martha Nussbaum has allowed for the development of methods which will transform them in such a way that they do not lead to the destruction of the democratic state. Thus, although contemporary political philosophy does not provide recommendations for particular governments, the analysis of emotions affects collective political thinking, and contributes to the peaceful course of political changes in democratic societies.
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Modern Cosmopolitism is good to build questions concerning the institutionalization of the new kind of citizens’ identity around it. This is the identity which goes far beyond citizens’ sense of belonging to a national, racial or ethnic group, which transcends the bonds of blood and land, the identity determined by choice not by birth. In the article I explore different approaches to the idea and conception of Cosmopolitanism. I try to establish whether and how a project of new social essence emerges from a globalizing economy and lax communities built around the sense of unity of lifestyle, local and above-local relationships that transcend the frames of politics.
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According to one of the most influential privacy theories , privacy protects individual autonomy: the exercise of autonomy requires detachment from social and political life and privacy facilitates it. This view of privacy presupposes a tension between privacy and society and is responsible for underrating privacy in legal and political practice. I argue that we should understand autonomy as politically embedded. On the contrary, privacy has a political value: when we claim privacy, we do not make a claim to withdraw from political life, but rather to protect certain forms of political engagement. Such view of privacy provides a solid basis for its protection than the traditional view prevailing in current legal practice and political discourse.
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Civility is treated as the main liberal virtue by one of the most important political philosophers of the 20th century, John Rawls. In this interpretation, liberalism requires not only institutions, but also a specific attitude of citizens and the political culture that shapes such attitudes. Political coexistence with citizens who did not share beliefs about a good life became an imperative. Rawls pointed out that the solution is civility, which requires participants in the public sphere to conduct the discussion in such a way as to obtain consent. Civility characterizes citizens who are ready to seek what they have in common with people who hold different views. Politics, however, can be dominated by corporations and capital, which distort public deliberations and discussions, and has an element of contradiction of interests and the pursuit of economic domination, and is also threatened by emotions resulting from attachment to certain religious and philosophical doctrines. It is difficult to say if the duty of civility is a sufficient safeguard.
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The article is an analysis of the virtue of justice as perceived by Sebastian Petrycy from Pilzno. Petrycy demanded social justice in the relation of the nobility to the plebeians. He did not agree to the treatment of peasants as slaves. He demanded judicial justice - desiring to repair the state. He warned the nobility against the consequences of the injustice they had committed.
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The idea of civic education, being distinctly exposed in the Enlightenment period, has its origin in the 16th and 17th centuries, in the so called Old Polish times. It was in writings from these centuries that the social-political thought took the prominent place. It was in these times when the ideas defined as civic philosophy which undertook and developed the issue of civic education, the need for pro-social and pro-state attitude formation appeared for the first time in the philosophical and social thought. At the time, the issue of the Republic’s salvation, its institutions, public welfare and its dangers, the principle of justice and many relevant issues were the predominant matter of discussions. We recall the animators and protagonists of discussions in which the civic education was addressed. This issue was undertaken by outstanding representatives of Polish philosophical and socio-political thought, including Andrzej Frycz-Modrzewski, Stanisław Orzechowski, Marycjusz Szymon from Pilzno, Łukasz Górnicki, Piotr Skarga, Sebastian Petrycy from Pilzno, Szymon Starowolski, Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro. Their thinking, as well as the opinions of some less celebrated but numerous participants of the discussion are recalled here with a belief, that at least some of the propositions, recommendations and demands raised at that time go beyond merely historical perspective.
More...O dwóch koncepcjach patriotyzmu
The paper aims to compare two concepts of patriotism, the first one authored by Karol Libelt (1807–1875), the second one - by Kazimierz Twardowski (1866–1938). In the first chapter the short biographies of both philosophers are presented. In the second chapter Libelt’s concept of patriotism is reconstructed. Poznań philosopher characterizes the notion of the love for country by the three triads: material, spiritual and ideological. The material dimension includes sentiment for the place of birth, and political and economic system. The spiritual dimension includes customs, language and culture, especially literature. The ideological dimension includes the institution of state, church and historical consciousness. The state in Libelt’s thought is an institution that merges material and spiritual dimension of a nation and is a basis for its political existence. In the third chapter Twardowski’s approach to patriotism is interpreted. According to him, patriotism begins with the love of one’s local neighborhood. In the next phase – owing to influence of family and school – this feeling includes wider social wholes – a country and a nation. In this process the role of language as a means of communication is very important. Finally, the abstract notion of Poland is discussed. According to Twardowski, spreading the patriotic attitudes should lead to democratization of the society, social equality and solidarity. Finally, in the fourth chapter, Libelt and Twardowski’s approaches are compared.
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The project "The Development of Philosophical Competences" was launched under the Operational Programme “Knowledge. Education. Development” (POWER), organized by the National Centre for Research and Development (POWR.03.01.00-IP.08-00-EFI/16). The project proposed resigning from teaching philosophy and changes in philosophical thought in historical perspective. It suggested omitting systematic philosophical education (e.g. Ajdukiewicz’s Problems and Trends in Philosophy). As an alternative, it offered developing selected philosophical competences, such as the so called soft skills: creativity, communication skills, flexibility, Lipman’s philosophical inquiry. The article presents the principles and solutions of the project. It shows the proposals aimed at the development of the skills required for good arguing, critical, independent thinking, logic and heuristic. It suggests the methods for acquiring better philosophical abilities, broadening horizons, understanding different perspectives on moral and ethical issues. It is vital to develop cognitive interest among secondary school students, to improve their skills in analysis, synthesis, drawing conclusions, asking and answering questions, considering different points of view. The article analyses the practical character of the project – the students are to develop their intellectual potential, which will be used in their career on the labour market. It also describes activating methods applied in the class, which allow for fulfilling the aims of philosophy, i.e. arousing interest in the problem, asking questions and finding answers to them. It was also considered important to show the advantages and weaknesses of this model of philosophical education in Polish schools.
More...Miejsce wiersza "Tak mi, Boże, dopomóż" w biografii duchowej Juliusza Słowackiego
The article concerns the work "Tak mi, Boże, dopomóż", written by Juliusz Słowacki a day after his meeting with Andrzej Towiański in 1842 and considered a testimony to the transformation that the poet underwent under the influence of the Master. Contrary to the dominant research tendency, the poem is treated here as a document of a transitional state and a record of Słowacki’s identity struggles caused by a long-lasting – and not sudden, as it is often assumed – spiritual transformation. The main area of interest is the nature of this metamorphosis. The interpretation of the poem mentioned in the title and other works as well as the correspondence, supported by the findings of psychology and psychology of religion (concerning the midlife crisis and conversion), proves that the beginnings of this process can be seen as early as 1835, and its sealing – in 1843 or 1844. The suddenness of the breakthrough, emphasized by Słowacki in the poem, seems to be an element of his own postulative biography – drawn during an identity crisis, and therefore in an uncertain way, and therefore requiring reliance on other entities, including Andrzej Towiański. Ultimately, the conversation with him turns out to be much less important than the whole reflection that followed, which was recorded, for example, in "Tak mi, Boże, dopomóż".
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The article is devoted to the issue of reading Towianist writings from the perspective of the concept of editions. The analysis reveals an extensive though poorly recognised part of Mickiewicz’s oeuvre, both in its oral and written form. The study focuses on the so-called “notes from conversations with Towiański” because the titles given to them by editors deprive these texts (including e.g. autograph No. 80) of their original character and meaning.
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Andrzej Towiański’s views gained many followers among the representatives of Polish emigration. Adam Mickiewicz became one of the most ardent supporters. The poet’s fascination by Towianism worried his friend Stefan Witwicki and was the main cause of the conflict between the poets. The author of "Edmund" considered Towiański a heretic and, as a zealous Catholic, felt obliged to warn Mickiewicz against his misguided views. He repeatedly mentioned his fears in correspondence with his friend, and when it did not bring the expected results, he decided to speak out in public. He announced the paper "Towiańszczyzna wystawiona i aneksami objaśniona" [Towiańszczyzna Exposed and Explained with Annexes], in which he presented the history of the creation of the sect and criticised not only Towiański, but also Mickiewicz. The article is an interpretation of this brochure and presents Witwicki’s attitude to Towianism, as well as his opinion about Towiański himself and Mickiewicz, to whom the poet devotes a lot of attention in this work. The carried out analysis proves that the text is not only a critique of the author of "Biesiada" and his followers.
More...Udział Aleksandra Chodźki w Kole Sprawy Bożej
Aleksander Chodźko (1802–1891) was a poet, diplomat, translator and scholar of Persian literature, and finally Adam Mickiewicz’s successor at the chair of Slavic languages and literatures at the Collège de France. In the years 1842–1846, he also took an active part in Andrzej Towiański’s Circle of God’s Cause, which he joined under the influence and at the instigation of his close friend, Mickiewicz. This article presents the figure of Aleksander Chodźko through the prism of his participation in Andrzej Towiański’s Circle of God’s Cause. Aleksander Chodźko’s position is analysed from the point of view of his role in the Circle, showing at the same time the reasons and mechanisms that led him to accept considerable sacrifices for the Cause: his career plans, a considerable fortune brought from Persia, and his marriage plans. This short period of membership in the sect largely determined Chodźko’s fate as an emigrant in Paris from 1842 to 1891.
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The article seeks to complement or even overcome the previous convictions about Cyprian Norwid’s attitude to Towianism established in research, mainly based on Józef Fert’s analysis. Literary texts penned by the author of "Promethidion", such as "Salem and Zwolon", and the poet’s correspondence with Józef Bohdan Zaleski and Jan Skrzynecki from 1848 seem to provide an important context in the discussion on Norwid’s portrayal of Towiański. The image of the author of "Biesiada" emerging from these sources appears to be ambiguous, even ambivalent, revealing Norwid’s struggles with the ideas of Towianism, the legend of Towiański, and the esteem enjoyed by the Circle of God’s Cause. It seems that over time, Norwid was becoming more and more influenced by the figure of Towiański, perhaps to such an extent that it also affected the artist’s output after 1852, for example the character of Jason the Magician (Jazon Mag) in the poem "Quidam".
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In this article, I look at the controversial legend of Andrzej Towiański, the self-proclaimed prophet of the Romantic era. From the very beginning, his activities aroused radically different opinions, which over time became his “golden” and “black” portrayals. The interpretive mechanisms behind this process remain as yet unexplored. In the creation of Towiański’s legend, an important role was played not only by writers and thinkers but also by representatives of the scientific world. For this reason, I trace the presence of legend-making mechanisms primarily in the works of Towianism researchers. Thus, the article is an overview of the history of reception, but its purpose is an attempt at historical-literary revision. Rather than doing justice to individual scholars, I critically screen various scientific discourses. I demonstrate the deep connection between academic language and methaporical thinking, as well as ideological and emotional characterization. In conclusion, I pose the question of the possibility of transcending the legend-making writing of Towianism. I answer this methodological dilemma positively and outline research perspectives for the future.
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The paper deals with the crucial question of primary sources which may be used in the research of Towianism. Analysing the extensive edition of "Pisma Andrzeja Towiańskiego" [Andrzej Towiański’s Writings] published by his most prominent followers after their master’s death, the author’s argument follows the perspective of religious studies in the European context. She examines this highly diverse collection of texts with regard to literary genres, linguistic aspects, and content. She then summarizes the significant interferences on the part of the editors concerning paratextual elements (e.g. commentary and explanations), intratextual elements (e.g. connections between individual texts), and intertextual elements (e.g. extensive citations of religious literature). In conclusion, the Turin edition is revealed to be a collective work of Towiański’s adherents who should be considered its co-authors. Further examination allows for the identification of two Italian co-authors, Attilio Begey and Tancredi Canonico, alongside the editors mentioned by name, Karol Baykowski and Stanisław Falkowski. The author interprets the results of the analysis with the use of the concepts of religious studies. Finally, she juxtaposes her findings with studies of later Italian publications and seeks to reconstruct themes not included in the edition, using unpublished archival material to fill in the lacunae.
More...Affinities and Divergences of a Religious Revolution
The study compares the religious ideas of Giuseppe Mazzini and Andrzej Towiański, aiming to explain the reasons that contributed to the diffusion of Towiański’s doctrine in Italy. Mazzini was one of the most famous and influential patriots of 19th century Europe, and his social and political thought was one of the prominent currents animating national uprisings in Italy. This study focuses on Mazzini’s thought because of its influence on Towiański’s disciples. Therefore, it can be assumed that Mazzini’s thought facilitated the diffusion of Towianism in Piedmont. The comparison of their ideas helps to understand to what extent Towiański’s thought was similar to that of Mazzini and, consequently, to what extent Towiański’s doctrine could have been familiar to the Italian patriots. Although Mazzini and Towiański shared some ideas with several other Romantic thinkers, there are numerous similarities that are unique to their thought. Moreover, they were proponents of religious doctrines: a civil religion for Mazzini and a traditional religion for Towiański. It is significant that, in both thinkers, a constant intertwining of the political and religious spheres is present. Their political and religious stances, which promoted a messianic vision of the future of the nations, were extremely appealing to the Italian patriots engaged, like the Poles, in attempts to affirm their national independence.
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