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True to the tradition that the notable years in Slovakia’s history end in the number “eight,” 2018 will also likely be remembered as a significant moment in the country’s modern political development. It tested Slovakia’s resilience as a country that likes to consider itself as part of the EU’s core – both today and in the future. Several decisions solidified Slovakia’s position in the core in 2017. One was active participation in the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) in security and defense, while the other was involvement in enhanced cooperation under the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO). However, profound internal challenges were laid bare in early 2018. First of all, the wide-ranging repercussions of the murders of investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová showed the failings of state institutions in a new light or rather placed them in the international limelight. Meanwhile,the foreign policy consensus and geopolitical orientation of the governing coalition continued to disintegrate. The political state of play in the Visegrad group countries, especially in Hungary and Poland, further complicated the situation for EU policy makersin Slovakia and the aim to position the region as a constructive player in debates on the future of the EU.
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The year 2018 started with a dip and ended with a dip. While the first encouraged investors to buy, the second sowed fear. With fiscal difficulties in France and Italy, Brexit plans going round in circles and a headstrong president in the US, recession became a popular topic of discussion in late 2018. Meanwhile, Slovakia’s economic policy suggested there was little to worry about in the future.
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Slovakia faces having to significantly reduce industry and heating emissions. The funds that are to be provided under the EU Emissions Trading System may help. A carbon tax is another option in the game, but the private sector is against it. Slovakia is on track to meet its climate commitments for 2020 and 2030. According to the conclusions of a report by the International Energy Agency (IEA) on the Slovak energy sector from November 2018 “the positive outlook is partly thanks to the Slovak government’s proactive policy support, but also to emission targets that were set rather low initially.”
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The year 2018 was not a calm one in world affairs. The post-Cold War international order is becoming more unstable, potentially threatening global peace and security, perhaps irreversibly. Geopolitics has become relevant once again, having adopted a new face. The great powers now compete and use hybrid warfare and political interference to achieve their political goals.
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The trends that emerged after Ukraine’s “Revolution of Dignity” and the annexation of Crimea in 2014 which led to the deep crisis in relations between the West and Russia were again a key factor in Slovakia’s Eastern Policy in 2018. Relations with Russia, and subsequently Ukraine, remain a strong dividing line within Slovak society. As proposed by President Andrej Kiska, in October 2017, Slovakia’s three highest officials – President A. Kiska, Prime Minister Robert Fico and Speaker of the National Council Andrej Danko adopted a common declaration on the country’s common priorities in the EUand NATO. It stated “unequivocally continuing in a pro-European and pro-Atlantic direction is in the strategic interest of the Slovak Republic.” They stressed their desire to improve the security of citizens “by implementing the updated Security Strategy, Defense Strategy, and Military Strategy of the Slovak Republic” and that this would “support Slovakia’s future inside the core of European integration.”
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Slovak development cooperation is intended to improve the prosperity of the global community, and ensure that humanity has a positive impact on our planet in the long term. According to IATI data, between 2012 and 2017 Slovakia engaged in 1,800 activities as part of its official development assistance (ODA). That is an average of 300 activities or projects per year. In 2017 Slovakia followed through on 484 financial commitments, according to SlovakDev. These included the provision of multilateral and bilateral ODA, as well as covering the administration costs of 18 different actors providing Slovak ODA. This analysis aims to assess the current trends in development cooperation and opportunities to improve the effectiveness of Slovak ODA in terms of social impact value, learning value, and the signaling value of the “Good Idea Slovakia” brand.
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January 1 The Slovak Republic assumes the OSCE (Organization for Security and Co-operationin Europe) Troika Chairmanship together with Italy and Austria. State Secretary Parízek is appointed Special Representative for Slovakia’s OSCE Chairmanship. January 17 State Secretary Lukáš Parízek launches Slovakia’s OSCE Chairmanship in Forum for Security Co-operation. Slovakia will chair the Forum for the first trimester of 2018, until theend of the Easter recess. The State Secretary emphasized that one of Slovakia’s priorities is to facilitate and further the work on modernizing the Vienna Document, which lies at the heart of the OSCE’s set of confidence and security-building measures.
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1. Agreement between the Slovak Republic and United Arab Emirates on support and reciprocal protection of investments (New York, September 22, 2016, published under No. 25/2018 Z. z.) 2. Agreement between the Slovak Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran on avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income (Teheran, January 19, 2016, published under No. 122/2018 Z. z.)
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The Embassies in the Slovak Republic and their heads as of January 2019
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List of consulates of the Slovak Republicheaded by the honorary consuls
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The concept of this paper is grounded in the understanding of EU-Russian relations as an encounter of two subjects in transformation, conducive to the formation of a sphere of inter-subjective communications that might be either divisive or cooperative. Both connections and disconnections between these two international subjects are discursively moulded and, therefore, grounded in a certain type of vocabulary with a number of interrelated concepts at its core, including those of neighbourhood, exceptionality and the political. It is exactly through comprehending this vocabulary that one can unravel the logic of deep asymmetry embedded in the EU-Russian relationship.
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The European Security Forum’s meeting about Turkey’s strategic future took place shortly after the end of combat operations in Iraq, against the backdrop of redefined US-Turkish relations. To set the stage, we had four papers: “Anchoring Turkey in Europe”, by Nathalie Tocci (Research Fellow at CEPS); “A US View”, by Henri J. Barkey (Head of the Dept. of International Relations, Lehigh University); “A Russian View” by Natalia Oultchenkov (Head of the Turkey Desk, Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences); and “Post-11 September Impact: The Strategic Importance of Turkey Revisited”, by Hüseyin Bagci and Saban Kardas (both are Professors at the Middle East Technical University, Ankara).
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The written presentations of our panellists – Roberto Menotti (Research Fellow, Aspen Institute Italia), Dana Allin (Senior Fellow, IISS,London) and Yuri Fedorov (Deputy Director of the Institute for Applied International Studies, Moscow) – were completed by a number of remarks, having been urged by the Chairman to dwell on the following issues:• the nature of the EU’s strategic interests and notably the importance of distant contingencies – such as Korea and Kashmir – as compared with Europe’s ‘near abroad’;• the impact of the difference in strategic cultures between the EU and the US (as well as within the EU itself); and• the long-term evolution of EU-US strategic relations.
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We were fortunate in having ahead of the meeting three thoughtful, broad-spectrum papers from which to work. All three of the authors of the papers were asked by the Chairman to pronounce on the validity of the ‘Greater Middle East’ (GME) concept. Michael Stürmer, who made the first presentation, commented that there is a certainunity to the region, notably in terms of the problems it shares. In referring to his paper, he warned against the American tendency to see democracy as apanacea, as it takes a very long time indeed to establish democracy in cultural terms. In the interval, the Americans should make sure that they really want what they say they want.
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