We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
The author presents her detailed analysis of the folk taxonomy denoting voice movements in polyphonic singing. She advocates that the taxonomy under consideration introduces spatial and bodily codes. In addition she argues that they are to be understood as functionally predetermined, as well as reliant on ornamentation behavior and on the involvement of the components in polyphonic singing with one another. Thus the terms express and decode movements of musical “collective body” as a whole built out of functionally differing elements. Comparing collective monodic and polyphonic singing, the article raises the hypothesis of their similarity as based on spatial ritual technology. Archaic techniques found in polyphonic singing are reported to be initial points in decoding the principles of both monodic and polyphonic singing. The author also manages to differentiate the following movements in the polyphonic structure: meandering, circling, spiral movements. All that safely brings her to the conclusion that musical components, and especially sound height, contain archaic ideas coming from rituals and myth. Monodia and collective dances bare lively traces from the simplest, clearest and oldest mythological ideas.
More...
The article investigates similarities and differences in various understandings of the term makam. Its uses and explanations attributed to folk singers and music players, authors and performers of ethnopop songs, as well as of Roma musicians are advocated to differ substantially from the high culture ones and are assumed to be endowed with meanings relevant to melody and interpretation rather than to being informed by structural peculiarities of makams. Thus folk singers and musicians use the word makam to mark specific mode organization, as well as a particular way of performing, while ethnopop singers tend to claim that it reveals Balkan or Oriental features together with a definite style and manner of interpretation, and Roma musicians understand makam as meaning “sweet music”, quality of performing capable of expressing the deepest feelings of the performer in sounds. Thus, the grassroot professional discourse about makam is affirmed to be characterized by only a background notion of makam’s structural peculiarities and as putting the accent on its comprehension as a characteristic feature of the musician and his audience and of their deepest perceptions and feelings.
More...
Bulgarian military songs started to appear in the 19th c., in the period of National Liberation. Bulgarian volunteers, preparing themselves in Kishineu to serve on Russian military service during the Russian-Turkish war, still in 1877 sung “Shumi Maritza” and other soldat songs, and continued to sing them during the war itself. Precisely at those times the marching step and the marching songs accompanying it, were used for the first time by the Bulgarians. All that resulted in the early Bulgarian songs being marching ones. At the very beginning Bulgarian military troops used to sing well known folk songs (mainly folk dance ones) in a marching rhythm. Gradually there appeared true marching songs, whose texts were written mostly by military officers. Their melodies were more often than not plagiarized from urban song ones, and only exceptionally created by musicians on military service. Among the latter there should specially be mentioned Alexandar Morfov, whose military songs written in the beginning of 20th c. (Niy shte pobedim, Izgrey zora na svobodata, etc.) are already real marches sung even today by the Bulgarian military troops as both their texts and their sounds are tightly connected with the soldiers’ activities and with the army life. Bulgarian poets and composers joined later their efforts in creating military marches. Especially during the war periods (1912-1913 and 1914-1918) they wrote masterpieces like Velik e nashiat voinik, Bdintzi, Bulairski marsh which are still in use in the army. There were created military songs and marches in the next decades, too. Especially productive was the second half of the 20th c. with its marches written in broader forms, sophisticated musical facture (or at least such in comparison with the older marches), but they did not gain the acknowledgement and the popularity of the older ones created in the first decades of the 20th c.
More...
The article is an attempt to experiment with yet another and very unusual point of view to the style of folk dancing. It focuses itself on a single dance and characterizes its structure, movements and presentation, but also its semantic aspects. The links between the ritual and the nonritual dances are obvious and could easily be discovered on structural level within the dances coming from a particular region. Thus there would naturally follow a question in regards to the nature of the mentioned above links and especially if they are or they are not resulting from the use of a common dancing motif stock or are also the result of some semantic interrelations. Until recently traditional Bulgarian music and dancing styles were predominantly investigated on the level of their regional variants reporting differences in outlook. An attempt has been undertaken here to gain an inward oriented description of the processes of regional style creation, as well as to explain it as reliant on the basic mechanisms of interdependence between ritual and dance. Thus, a special model of style investigation is offered. It allows for the adequate description and analysis of sitnata po stareshki, a dance which is to be considered not only the most widely spread one in Northeastern Bulgaria, but which is advocated to be representative for the whole of the region under consideration. Following the semantics of staro (old) and sitno (tiny, fine, elaborate), there are offered the following conclusions: I) Basic style characteristics are formed due to emancipation of the elements from their ritual contexts and meanings. Due to overpassing the boundaries of their ritual predetermination and meanings, the elements turned to be a stylistic mark, rather than being directly connected to their original content in the ritual context of the classical traditional culture. Thus, they are no longer sacred. 2) Nevertheless, their new standing is still deeply rooted in their former sacral meanings and function and. Thus, it is especially the latter which predetermines their high, ideal status in the new aesthetic conception, taking into consideration their old ritual importance and significance.
More...
Since the very beginning, the human being has known what medicine is because of their knowledge of illness and death. The history of medicine is, therefore, one of the places where the complexity of human being better arises. The particularity of the techne iatriké lies in the fact that the doctor doesn’t produce health, but simply restores it, or redresses a lost equilibrium. Medicine takes care of the patient by curing their health. But, along the time, medicine has been deeply transformed. Not only because of its greater capacity, but also because it has transformed its dynamism, most particularly in the techno-sciences era. These changes have involved a transformation of the way in which the human being understands himself. New categories have appeared: the human being is being conceptualized as something deliverable, a broader idea of responsibility towards the physical qualities of the new generations is emerging, and the oxymoron of sick people without any illness comes forward. All these changes and challenges call for a new comprehension of the role of the body in personal identity and restore anthropology as a central discipline in the ethics and bioethics field.
More...
The present paper intends to introduce a opinionated understanding of the patient-physician communication in the context of research and experimental practice. Some aspects need to be taken into account, as conditions that cannot be overloaded in a patient-physician relationship: 1. the physician as researcher and as clinician; 2. the difference of perspectives and interests between patient and physician; 3. the influence of the non-knowledge (Sartre) on the patient-physician relationship; 4. their different experience. The paper argues the following. First, the asymmetry that distinguishes the patient-physician relationship should to be seen as a resource, contrary to the common opinion that tends to avoid it; second, precisely the process through which informed consent is obtained, if correctly understood, can be a privileged instrument which preserves the quality of this relationship.
More...
Tuberculosis represents not only a medical issue but also a social problem. In consequence we wonder what society must do in order to solve this problem that faces us. Technically in medical terms, we have at or disposal treatment protocols proposed by the two recognized medical organizations: OMS and IUATLD. Behind these programs lies the question: “How can these programmers succeed?” At one hand these programmers require money and on the other hand: patient cooperation. Who else can assure harmony between the body and soul better than faith? A missionary activity between TB patients, especially those that come from precarious social environment, could be helpful.
More...
The author gives priority to the Holy Scripture, seeking to find what it is said about disability, what is the revealed text’s point of view toward this social reality. Another subject of interest to the author is the involvement of the Romanian Orthodox Church in supporting persons with disabilities. Apart from presenting the Romanian legislation regarding disabilities, the paper introduces some reflections on the whole and the responsibility of the parts for the whole.
More...