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The mosque in Kozluk near Zvornik was built in the mid-17th century, during the Ottoman administration in Bosnia. According to the time of construction, it is the oldest mosque in the Zvornik area and its surroundings. With occasional reparations and renewal, and enforced downtime, it served its primary purpose from the time of its inception until today. From the initially modest mosque with wooden minaret and wooden roof, it eventually developed into a monumental domed mosque with two spiked minarets. The mosques in Kozluk is presented through four time periods in this paper. In addition to historical vertical, its architectural characteristics in all epochs of its existence are presented as well. Alongside the mosque, waqfs, cemeteries and mekteb, as its integral infrastructure, are also presented. Additionally, all knowm persons who worked in the mosque, such as: imams, waqfs, mutevelis, muezzins, mualimas and others, are presented in the paper.
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U radu se govori o masovnim grobnicama na području općine Zvornik kao materijalnom dokazu genocida nad Bošnjacima u toku agresije Republike Srbije i Crne Gore na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu, u periodu 1992–1995. godine. Obrađene su masovne grobnice na području općine Zvornik, gdje su pobacana tijela Bošnjaka, ubijenih u periodu od 1992–1995. godine. Pored Zvorničana, na području Zvornika ubijeno je i bačeno u masovne grobnice hiljade Bošnjaka s područja cijelog Podrinja i Bosne i Hercegovine, međunarodno priznate države i članice Ujedinjenih nacija. Najviše grobnica je pripremljeno od strane agresora prilikom izvršenja genocida u i oko sigurne zone Ujedinjenih nacija Srebrenice, jula 1995. godine. Ekshumacije masovnih grobnica žrtava genocida vršili su istraživači ICTY-a, Državne komisije za traženje nestalih osoba, Federalne komisije za nestale osobe, Komisije za nestale Republike Srpske. Do kraja 2016. godine u Bosni i Hercegovini je pronađeno preko 750 masovnih grobnica. Na području Zvornika je od 19. augusta 1996. do 25. marta 2016. godine, izvršeno ukupno 207 ekshumacija, od čega se u 114 slučajeva radilo o masovnim grobnicama. U 114 masovnih grobnica, a samo u 27 slučajeva radilo se o primarnim masovnim grobnicama, ukupno je ekshumirano 9.786 žrtava, od čega na prostoru „Doline grobnica“ Kamenice 4997.
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Iako nije sudski dokazano, činjenice eksplicitno pokazuju da se u periodu od 1992. do 1995. godine, na području općine Zvornik, dogodio genocid nad Bošnjacima. Ukupan broj ubijenih Bošnjaka u općini Zvornik je 1976, od čega je identifikovano njih 1542, dok se 434 osobe vode kao nestali. Posebno želimo naglasiti da je od ukupnog broja ubijenih u općini Zvornik, najveći broj na područiju Bijelog Potoka. U Bijelom Potoku je, početkom juna 1992. godine, zarobljeno i ubijeno 665 civila Bošnjaka. Od toga je identifikovano 422, a 243 se vode kao nestali. Većina stradalih Bošnjaka bili su muškarci, njih 655, dok su ostalo bile žene. U vrijeme kad su ubijeni, starosna struktura je bila sljedeća: 69 bilo je staro od 15 do 20 godina, 150 ubijenih od 20 do 30 godina, 180 ubijenih bili su stari od 30 do 40 godina, 121 ubijenih bili su stari od 40 do 50 godina, dok je od 50 i više godina bilo njih 145. Najviše ubijenih Bošnjaka bili su porijeklom iz mjesne zajednice Đulići, zatim iz mjesne zajednice Klisa. Također, veliki broj žrtava živjelo je na području mjesnih zajednica Kučić Kula, Tršić, Šetići te na Bijelom Potoku ili su se tu slučajno zadesile.
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The victory of King Tomislav over Bulgaria resulted in good relations between Croatia and Byzantium, which made it possible for the Church to achieve unity about the establishment of a unique church province in Dalmatia and Croatia. The Dalmatian bishops reasonably feared that the empowered King Tomislav, who after the victory over the Bulgarians gained the affection of Byzantium, and the title of "consul", according to HSM, would subjugate them to his Croatian bishop in Nin, whose jurisdiction during the previous conflicts with Byzantium spread almost to the city walls of some dioceses. In the area where, according to church acts, duke (dux) Mihael (Visevic) ruled with a certain autonomy, the same position to the bishop of Nin in the north was to be held by Mihael's bishop of Ston, which reduced the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Dubrovnik and Kotor to the narrow city region. Although, according to the positive church and state regulations, the ecclesiastical organization was followed by the civilian one, Dalmatian bishops did not require the establishment of the ecclesiastical province around Zadar, the capital city of Dalmatia, which they certainly would not have gained anyway, so they put all their efforts to establish a new church structure in Croatia and Dalmatia (Upper and Lower) gathered around the Archbishop of Split as the successor of the ancient Salona. Returning to the ancient position (antiquitus) would bring them even more desirable convenience: restoring jurisdiction over the wider territories of the Croatian state that were lost at the time of hostilities with Byzantium. That is why Dalmatian bishops persistently sought from Popes John X and Leo VI to just rebuild the late antique Salonitan metropoly, in which they finally succeeded. However, there was a new difficulty because some of the existing dioceses were not mentioned under the name of Salonitan metropoly, i.e. to the east of Split there were three dioceses mentioned: Ston, Dubrovnik and Kotor. Unexpectedly, the right to exist was not questioned only to the Diocese of Ston, which, by the way, was mentioned here for the first time in an authentic document. It can hardly be interpreted differently except that it was clear to the Council Fathers that it was, actually, the diocese of Sarsenterensis to which Ston was assigned on the occasion of its founding in 533, and in which his bishop withdrew during the migrations. Since the Dubrovnik and Kotor bishops were not mentioned as the suffragans of the ancient Salonitan Metropoly at the Salonitan councils in 530 and 533, the bishops of these two cities struggled for the jurisdiction over an ancient diocese within the Salonitan metropoly, which could only be Epitaritan diocese. The jurisdiction was endorsed to both bishops with a somewhat unusual formulation that it was, actually, a diocese with two bishops which they now needed to share justly preserving its unity, so that after the death of one of the bishops the other may govern the diocese until the new bishop is appointed. Thus, all disputes were resolved and a new church structure was established in Dalmatia and Croatia around the archbishop of the metropoly in Split, until some new times and wars when the situation would change again.
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The Yugoslav socialist framework enabled major advances in what concerns the legal, economic and social equality of women, advances which radically changed their traditionally subordinated family and social position. In spite of the postwar period of revolutionary enthusiasm, female political activism and the access of women intellectuals to the male-dominated spheres of journalism, diplomacy, administration and governmental offices did not exist for long. Taking into account memoirs and oral histories of five distinguished women, the article reveals the reasons for the Party’s antifeminist attitudes: a) the political fear of ambitious female “quality staff ”; b) the ideological fear of the women guardians of the traditional and religious foundations of collective identity; c) a cultural mistrust toward the mobile woman who easily transcends family, social and ethnic boundaries. These biographical sources reveal that any attempt at free thought and autonomous action outside of the party line was severely punished.
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Architectural form of non existing synagogue in Koniecpol did not stand outamong a large group of 19th-century neoclassical synagogues in former territory of PolishCommonwealth. But, because of a small amount of research material (most of 19th‑centurysynagogues vanished during II WW and the Communist period) the possibility of reconstructionit’s architectural form can be helpful in In the study of Jewish architecture. So farin the scientific literature an opinion existed, that the synagogue in Koniecpol was erectedin the mid nineteenth century. Insightful research has led to the correction of this informationand moved the moment of the synagogue’s founding in its final form to the ninetiesof the nineteenth century.By conducting a comparative analysis of other synagogues with the spatial arrangementand architectonic decoration similar to the synagogue in Koniecpol, located in the southernpart of Congress Poland we can mark a line of development of the type of a synagogue withlongitudinal section and a façade in the form of a portico. It also led us to determine theoriginal pattern, which turned out to be a project created by Piotr Chrystian Aigner.The problem of classical motifs in synagogue architecture in this area has not been sufficientlystudied, primarily because of the small group of preserved buildings. Therefore,the following article is not only a monographic work of the history of the synagogue inKoniecpol. It constitutes a basis for researching the architectonic type, widely representedin the 19th-century synagogue architecture in the Polish lands.
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This article examines a case study of international Communist propaganda during the Cold War. The Institute of Historical and Socio-Political Research (ISISP), a historical propaganda organization affiliated to the Romanian Communist Party (RCP), succeeded in penetrating the Iron Curtain by distributing its works through a social network provided by the Italian Liberation Movement Institute, and in publishing its works in Italy, with the help of the Gramsci Institute, as well as publishers like Editori Riuniti and Nicola Teti. The ISISP established a mutually beneficial partnership with various Italian actors: ISISP and the regime succeeded in publishing international propaganda; the Italian publishing houses were paid by ISISP to print and distribute their edited volumes, with the double advantage of keeping political ties with the RCP while also protecting their own limited finances.
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With the entrance of the Romanian Kingdom in the First World War as Entente’s ally and with the fail of the campaign of Romanian Army in Transylvania, the Austro-Hungarian authorities have implemented some repressive rules that were focused on the supervising, imprisonment and deportation of the Romanian national and political leaders, but also the establishment of a ,,cultural border” across the Carpatian arch, by putting the Romanian schools under the authority of Austro-Hungarian state. Arested at 15th of August 1916, together with other Romanian intelectuals from Sebeş, Sebastian Stanca was deported in Western Hungary, in Rust village and later in Şopron, where he stood until the spring of 1917. The notes of Sebastian Stanca are presenting us, in a detailed manner, starting from the imprisonment moment and continuing with the separation from the family, his road to the Western Hungary, his first meetings there and his exile life. From the information provided by Sebastian Stanca, there can be easily observed the way how the experience of ,,the cultural border” have deeply influenced him, together with the fact of being far away from the house, the missing of family and the separation of the social, cultural and political enviroment frequented, that have generated in his life a real drama. Reading the notes of the priest Sebastian Stanca, we can observe an ingenious way of mashing his own experience with the description of the events that have led to it or with the description of the internal situation from the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. All of them are presented in a pleasent and accessible way that is extremly emotional for the reader and highlight the exceptional personality of the author.
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The article shows the work of the chekists of Stavropolsky krai during the Great Patriotic War and in the post-war decades. The purpose of this article is to study the forms and methods of practical activities of the state security bodies in their fight against banditry, the German invaders and their accomplices-collaborators from among Soviet citizens during the war. New archival documents reveal the contribution of the regional chekists to the formation of the destruction battalions and partisan units, the creation of an intelligence network operating behind the enemy lines, the exposure and neutralization of foreign agents. Specific examples show the work of the state security officials searching for former collaborators in the post-war decades. The result of their efforts was the exposure of former accomplices of the German invaders, the conduct of a thorough investigation of their crimes against Soviet citizens during the war years and severe, fair verdicts issued by military tribunals and courts. In conclusion it is noted that the work of chekists in Stavropolsky krai connected with the exposure of war criminals continues up to the present. After all, there is no statute of limitations for such crimes against humanity.
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The anniversary of centenary of Great Union of Romania makes many people to think to the ones who, during the time have sacrificed their selves and made important efforts to keep our unity of nation and faith. Together with the great personalities who had decisive contributions at the accomplishment of this ancient ideal, they have also existed many unknown people who also were important. Unfortunately, for most of them, their memory ends in time. In this research, we have considered important to analyse the existent documents from the Parish archive of a village from Cluj County and to emphasize the important efforts of some people to build to the Lord a Church for his praise. Because of this reason, we will present there the history of the liturgical buildings from Soporu de Câmpie, using as sources a monograph and many documents from Parish's archive. Through this scientific enterprise, I want also to bring a sign of gratitude to the ones who have kept the faith of their ancestors and tried to offer me and to many other generations of young people the possibility to be offered to the Lord in a liturgical space that, although it was, in many aspects, a modest one, it has hosted God himself.
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the domains of the Piasts, Premyslids and Arpads (as the territories of future Poland, Bohemia and Hungary should be correctly called), one of the most important aspects of retaining the power by the ruling dukes was the possibly most lavishostentation of their authority. Such manifestations were also indispensable elements of transformations that the dukes decided to introduce, and which they underscored by undertaking certain legal initiatives. It was on the basis of these initiatives that they transformed their realms and introduced them into the orbit of Christianity. Among those decisions, one that was most heavily burdened with consequences was that of conversion.This act not only changed the political situation of a realm, but also significantly influenced the image of the ruler and his expected conduct. Since that moment, the duke protected and supported not only his subjects but also the brand new organism of theChurch, which he also helped to develop himself. Thus, the dukes built their positions on the basis and with the help of the clergy and the saintly intercessors. The most prominent testimony to these transformations is in the works of architecture erected by the dukes.Architectural forms, appropriate for a particular function, underscored the new status of the former heathens who strived at becoming Christian kings. This ambition materialised thanks to the support of the Church and a coronation would take place in a befitting setting of a temple, next to the relics of a spiritual leader. Thus, a work of architecture became inseparable from the world that yielded it, and reflected its cultural, social and, above all, political needs. Confronted with the scarcity of written sources related to theYounger Europe of the ninth to eleventh centuries, it is in a detailed analysis of architecture that we should search for additional information on the beginnings of statehood in the neighbouring areas
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This paper addresses the US media perception of the Russia-threat following the election of Donald Trump as the United States’ President. Trump’s election revealed a major value divide within the American society. The Russia issue became central in the new internal divide between the Trump administration and the liberal establishment. To the latter the Russia story was more about Trump than Russia. If the two countries are to move beyond viewing each other as potential enemies, they must find a way to reframe their values in non-confrontational terms.
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Russia is in the news nowadays on a daily basis. The Western media is portraying Putin’s Russia as an existential threat and for many commentators the Cold War seems to be back. This has been emphasized again and again ever since reports of Russian collusion in the 2016 presidential elections in the United States have surfaced. Yet, much of the media coverage lacks any in-depth discussion about the reality of Putin’s Russia. But when it comes to Russia, history matters, geopolitics matter. The United States and Russia have conflicting interests in foreign policy and misunderstanding Russian behaviour often make matters worse. Based on an analysis of Russian history as well as its more recent domestic and foreign policies, this article reflects on how the United States could formulate an adequate response to Russia’s new-found daring on the international stage.
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This paper discusses the main tenets of how Bulgaria was represented in what can be coined as ‘Russian propaganda’ and how the dynamics of this process functioned in the period from 2013 to 2016. First, it will provide a discussion outlining the general framework and illustrate some discourses that appeared in Russian media outlets concerning Bulgaria. Secondly, it will focus on how Russian propaganda operated in relation to Bulgaria’s presidential elections in the autumn of 2016. The latter case study is important as an empirical study since the ultimate winner of the election, Rumen Radev, was largely portrayed in both international and domestic media as being a ‘pro-Russian’ candidate. Such media portrayals of the Bulgarian presidential elections can be seen as consistent with similar depictions of other electoral contests in Europe and the United States over the past years in which Russian propaganda, social media trolls and bots, fake news have supposedly come to play a role in promoting politicians or political parties that are perceived to be ‘pro-Russian’. This paper will qualify such simplistic dichotomies and attempt to bring some nuance to the question of what constitutes ‘Russian propaganda’. In contrast to widespread assumptions following the logic of the so called ‘information’ or ‘hybrid’ war, it argues that what is generally regarded as ‘Russian propaganda’ in Bulgaria tends to be a ‘home-grown’ phenomenon rather than a foreign directed or steered influence.
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The present article outlines the activity of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists in the area of Polish-Czechoslovak borderland and its impact on the local people. On the basis of situation reports of the Lesser Poland Regional Inspectorate of the Border Guard, issued between 1930 and 1935, an attempt was made both to present the methods of prevention of the OUN operations that threatened the security of the Polish State, and to track a nationality situation in the borderland.
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In 1939 ca. 750 German military policemen or gendarmes were sent to occupied Poland. Some of them took part in the extermination of Polish civilians. One of those was Otto Oberländer, a military policeman from the village of Sadki, who contributed to the killing of 86 Poles. There has been no study so far in the Polish historiography on the German apparatus of repression in Poland that describes their operations in the occupied Polish country.
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