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Büyük Selçuklu İmparatorluğu Devrinde Sosyal Hayatın Temelleri

Author(s): Berna Karagözoğlu,Yaşar Bedirhan / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

The cultural, religious, social and state structure of each society is shaped according to its own traditions, customs and traditions. The dynamics that exist on the basis of the structures of societies are transferred to the next generation. Although changes are observed in social structures over time, societies differ from others with their dominant features. Turkish society has also come to the fore with its family structure, cultural life and state administration. Turks, who wanted to be a world state by expanding the borders of the state in every period of history, established their own order in the geographies they conquered. For centuries, studies on Turkish culture, family and state structure have been carried out by local and foreign researchers. It has brought researchers together in different periods of history with the vocabulary it contains in the Turkish language, which is the subject of dictionaries, divans and inscriptions. Our study consists of the analysis of frequently used words about the state, cultural life and social structure in the Great Seljuk period.

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Bağdâd’da Bir Moğol Yönetici: Emir Aruk1

Author(s): Mustafa Aylar / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Founded during the Abbasid period and one of the most important cities of the Islamic world, Baghdad was captured by Hülegü, the founder of the Ilkhanid Empire, in 1258 and was subjected to great looting, destruction and massacre. Although the appointment of an experienced person such as Ata Malik al-Juwaynī in the administration of the city had positive results for Baghdād, the troubles in the city did not completely end. During the reign of Arghun, who came to the throne thanks to Emir Buqa after the throne turmoil in the Ilkhanid Empire, the Mongol emir Aruq was appointed as the ruler of Baghdad. Relying on the power of his older brother Emir Buqa, Emir Aruq increased his personal power and wealth in Baghdad. He also engaged in a number of behaviors that disturbed other Mongol emirs. This added to the already existing problems in Bagdad. Every day, more and more people became disturbed by what Amir Aruq and his brother Buqa were doing. As a matter of fact, the Jewish Sa‘d al-dawla, the deputy of Tatarqiya, the shihna of Bagdad, reported this situation to the Ilkhanid ruler Arghun. Finally, the Ilkhanid ruler Arghun put an end to the rule of the Buqa and Aruq brothers and eliminated both of them. Amir Aruq was the ruler of Baghdad for about five years, oppressing the people with his aides in the city and collecting large amounts of money, goods and property.

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Bir Cenaze ve Cülus Töreni Bağlamında İki Osmanlı Sultanı: V. Mehmed ve VI. Mehmed

Author(s): Senem GÖNENÇ / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

On 27 April 1909, Sultan Abdulhamid II was dethroned from the Ottoman throne and his brother Reshad Efendi ascended to the throne as “Sultan Mehmed V”. After his nine-year reign, Sultan Mehmed V died after a short illness on 3 July 1918. His successor, his 57-year-old brother, Vahideddin Efendi, ascended to the Ottoman throne as “Sultan Mehmed VI”. Thus, the last and new heir to the throne became Abdulmejid Efendi. In this study, the developments that took place in the reign of Sultan Mehmed V and his death, the events of Sultan Mehmed VI’s accession to the throne and his abdication, and what was written about the Ottoman Sultans Mehmed V, Mehmed VI and Crown Prince Abdulmejid Efendi in the events mentioned was discussed. The main sources of this historical research based on document analysis are the Austro-Hungarian press. As a result of the research, it was seen that Sultan Mehmed V and the new Crown Prince Abdulmejid Efendi were mentioned with positive character traits, and the accession of the new Sultan Mehmed VI to the throne was praised in the newspapers that were the subject of this study. However, after the abolition of the sultanate on 1 November 1922, it was seen that there were no positive opinions about Sultan Mehmed VI, who was dethroned, and he was referred to as a ruler who could not meet the expectations.

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Avusturya-Macaristan Basınında Sultan II. Abdülhamid’in Tahttan İndirilişi (27 Nisan 1909)

Author(s): Senem GÖNENÇ / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

The Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II ascended to the throne as the 34th sultan of the Ottoman Empire on 31 August 1876, after his elder brother, Sultan Murad V, was dethroned. After 33 years on the throne, he was dethroned on 27 April 1909, after the 31 March Incident. In this study, the dethronement of Sultan Abdulhamid II after the 31 March Incident, the events that followed, and what was mentioned about Sultan Abdulhamid II on this occasion are discussed. The main sources of this historical research based on document analysis are the Austro-Hungarian press. As a result of the research, it was seen that Sultan Abdulhamid II accepted his dethronement with a fatalistic understanding, and in general, the change of throne was considered as a positive event in diplomatic circles. It has been seen that Sultan Abdulhamid II was reflected in the aforementioned news as a despotic ruler and mostly with his negative traits, and his diplomatic skills in interstate relations were mentioned as almost the only positive trait about him.

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Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası ve Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası Programları Üzerine Bir Karşılaştırma

Author(s): Volkan Aksoy / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

After the Armistice of Mudros on 30 October 1918, the patriots, who did not want to leave the fate of the country to the Allied Powers and minorities under their protection, started their resistance, starting from Western Anatolia. In line with the same goals, the patriots, who went to Samsun under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, united and organized the fires of independence, ensured the liberation of the homeland and established a new national state instead of the Ottoman State. After this stage, Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his friends thought that with the victory of the Battle of Dumlupinar, the duties of the Association for Defence of Rights ended, that the term "Defense of Rights" could no longer express its meaning in the War of Independence, and emphasized that a new name and a new program was needed in the new period. M. Kemal Pasha had the opportunity to explain his goals to the public during his country tours. In the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, on April 1, 1923, it came to the agenda to hold elections and it was accepted to hold a new election. After the election decision was taken in the parliament, on April 8, 1923, M. Kemal Pasha published a declaration as the Head of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association. Consisting of 9 Umdes, this declaration formed the basis of the People's Party (CHP). On the other hand, it is possible to extend the origins of the Progressive Republican Party (TCF), as the first opposition party of the Republic, to the disagreements that arose within the People's Party after the proclamation of the Republic in October 1923. The proclamation of the Republic when a group of prominent party members was not present in Ankara caused some reactions. The fact that his former colleagues thought that they were pushed back by the relatively new cadres supported by Mustafa Kemal was also influential in the establishment of the new party. Thus, two parties took their place in Turkish political life with two programs. Our aim in this study is to examine and evaluate the principles put forward by both the Republican People's Party and the Progressive Republican Party and the criticisms they mutually brought to their programs.

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Din Sosyolojisi Açısından Kiğı ve Çapakçur İsyanlarının Toplumsal Etkileri Üzerine Bir İnceleme: 1914-1915 Ermeni İsyanlarının Öncesi ve Sonrası

Author(s): Mustafa Hakkı Ertan / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Asırlarca Türk milletinin himayesi altında yaşayan Ermeni milleti, Selçuklu Devleti, Osmanlı Devleti ve sonrasında kurulan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti devleti dönemi dahil olmak üzere Türk Devletleri tarafından korunmuş ve himaye görerek, toplumsal yapının parçası olmuşlardır. Selçuklulardan sonra kurulan Osmanlı Devleti döneminde bu koruma ve kollama çok önemli düzeyde devam etmiştir. Toplumsal yapı içerisinde, Devletin ve Milletin bir parçası olarak siyasi, Sosyal ve ekonomik yapı içerisinde yer almışlardır. Bu çalışmada, Hristiyan dünyasının ve misyonerlerinin desteği ile, Kiğı ve Çapakçur (Bingöl) bölgesinde gerçekleşen Ermeni isyanı ve terör faaliyetlerinin siyasi ve sosyal etkileri ele alınmıştır.

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Dünya Ekonomik Sisteminin Jeopolitiği

Author(s): Girayalp Karakuş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Ekonomi ile ilgili tarihi süreçler ve tarihi kaynaklar sistematiği doyurucu bir arka plan ortaya koyar. Dünya ekonomik sisteminin rekabetçi ortamı sermaye birikiminin jeopolitik nüfuz alanlarını zorunlu kılar. Para, satmak üzere mal veya emek satın almakta kullanıldığı zaman sermaye olur. Aynı şekilde, çoban yününü satarak aldığı parayla yemek için ekmek alırken parasını sermaye olarak kullanmaz. Ama tüccar, yünü daha yüksek fiyata satacağını umarak yün karşılığı para verirken parasını sermaye olarak kullanır. Ticaretin ayrıcalıklı olarak desteklenmesi aşırı sermaye birikiminin sosyal dengeyi ve ulus-devletlerin işlevini değiştirme yönlü gücünü var saymak gerçekçi bir yaklaşım olarak değerlendirilir. Az gelişmiş ve gelişmekte olan ülkelerin boyunduruk altında kalması iki dalga halinde ele alınmalıdır.

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Към предхристиянския култ към император Константин I Велики в Константинопол

Author(s): Vanya Lozanova-Stancheva / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The aim of the report is to present an analysis of the information from the early Byzantine authors on the cult of Emperor Constantine I the Great, which precedes the chronologically and typologically Christian cult of St. Constantine and Helena, but not without connection with it. Historical sources can be grouped into at least two groups organized around the events related to the consecration of Constantinople in May 330, in which two remarkable ritual and cult centers stand out: 1) The Constantine Forum: the consecration of the solar statue of Emperor Constantine at the newly constructed Constantine Forum on the famous porphyry column brought from Egyptian Thebes, the day before or on the first day of the 40-day celebrations, accompanied by numerous additional ceremonies and rituals; 2) Hippodrome: The ceremony of the Hippodrome on the first day of the 40-day celebrations in which the gilded xoanon of Constantine, holding a small sculpture of Tyche on the city in his right hand, was carried in the “Helios Chariot”. In the worship of the Emperor Constantine I the Great two important religious ideas were intertwined as central: – Preserving and resurrecting the solar cult context in the architectural and artistic design of the new political centers of the Constantine’s city, inherited from the ancient Byzantion; – Reviving and incorporating the ancient mythological tradition of the founding Byzantion in the new context and traditions of Constantinople.

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Династията на Константин Велики (303–363) и градовете на провинция Втора Мизия

Author(s): Gergana Gercheva / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

In 306 after the death of Constantius Clorus, his troops in York proclaimed his son Constantine for Roman emperor in violation of the established by Diocletian political system, called tetrarchy. After two decades of wars Constantine established himself as the sole ruler of the Empire. After his death his three sons divided the Roman empire and between 306 and 363 the state was ruled by his nephew Julianus Apostates. The name of the province of Second Moesia was mentioned many times in written sources during this period as well as its towns’ and archaeological data show the serious construction activity undertaken in them.

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EUROPE AT A CROSSROADS: AN ANALYSIS OF CURRENT AND FUTURE CHALLENGES WITH A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Author(s): GILLES GRIN / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Europe stands at a crossroads. The purpose of this essay is to analyse key current and future challenges faced by the EU with a historical perspective. I shall address successively political and geopolitical issues, economic issues, and the question of EU widening and deepening.

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ZAŠTO VOJSKOVOĐU SVETOZARA BOROJEVIĆA OD BOJNE TREBA ZADRŽATI U SJEĆANJU

Author(s): Mira Kolar-Dimitrijević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Field Marshal Svetozar Boroević (Borojević) von Bojna (Umetići, 13 Dec. 1856 - Klagenfurt, 23 May 1920) was an exceptional personality in Croatiaʼs military history. His exemplary life and wartime career could not, based on the prevalent rules of war of that time, secure him any kind of post-war livelihood, and as a participant on the losing side he endured all of the consequences imposed upon the defeated by the victors, and he found almost no understanding among his fellow nationals. He contacted many in the belief that an honourable life merited honourable treatment, but this was not borne out. The knowledge that all of the previous values had disappeared, and his subsequent fall into hardship and oblivion must have certainly led to his untimely death in 1920. Many years of silence followed thereafter, until 2007, when Boroević, as a Croat of Orthodox faith, was once more spoken of with respect.

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SLOVENSKI SPOMIN NA PRVO SVETOVNO VOJNO IN MESTO FELDMARŠALA SVETOZARJA BOROJEVIĆA PL. BOJNE V NJEM

Author(s): Petra Svoljšak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The First World War, the Great War, undoubtedly constituted a watershed event for the Slovenians as well and for the history of the Slovenian ethnic territory. The Slovenians participated in various stages of the world conflict; they were soldiers and prisoners of war, they were arrested and interned, and they were fugitives, while one of the bloodiest European battlefields, the Isonzo front, extended over Slovenian territory. The war in Slovenian territory manifested itself at two levels: as military operations in the region around the Isonzo (Soča) River, and as a burden to the civilian population, but near the battlefield and in its hinterland. Thus, the First World War imprinted itself into Slovenian historical memory. Slovenian historiography mostly examined the political facts underlying the First World War, while military themes were left to publicists and memoir writers. Until the 1990s, Slovenian historiography did not have a planned and systematic approach to the First World War, primarily due to the role of the Slovenians in this great world conflict and the military objectives intertwined with this conflict. One cannot escape the impression that the Slovenian people, as a component of the Austro-Hungarian armed forces, were the initiators and losers of this “great” war. And the periods following both World Wars were not kind to the losers. Treatment of the First World War depended on changes in society and on the needs of day-to-day political interests to confirm their developmental orientation. It should be stressed that Slovenian memories of World War I are almost entirely dominated by publicist literature, while Slovenian historiography began to deal with it systematically only in the mid-1980s. To be sure, in dealing with the Isonzo front, Field Marshal Svetozar Borojević von Bojna occupies a special place, for he provokes contradictory assessments in Slovenian recollection, although his role and significance to Slovenian territory have not be adequately examined. This work presents all previous literature on Borojević and assessments by various authors, as well as memoirs of Slovenian post-war politicians, on the role and significance of Borojević in Slovenian history.

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PISMA VOJSKOVOĐE SVETOZARA BOROEVIĆA 1912.–1920.

Author(s): Danijela MARJANIĆ,Milan Pojić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Croatian National Archives hold ten preserved postcards and twenty letters sent by Svetozar Boroević to Slavko and Olga Kvaternik from 1912 to 1920. Boroević wrote in the German language, in Gothic script. The German text is only occasionally peppered with an occasional Croatian word or sentence. For his part, Boroević refrains from writing in Croatian, uncertain in his knowledge, but he nevertheless expressed admiration for those who knew it. Based on their content, the letters can be divided into two groups. The first group consists of letters written from 1912 to the beginning of 1918, in which “soldierly” and political themes predominate. Boroević, as a high Austro-Hungarian officer, very freely expressed his criticism of his superiors and his political convictions, which can be characterized as “treasonous.” The second group of letters consists of those written after the fall of the Monarchy, in which Boroević’s existential problems are dominant. The famed marshal, together with his wife, was brought to a state of utter uncertainty: cheated, his status was unresolved, as he was expelled from his homeland but had non-permanent residence in Austria, living under trying financial conditions. The entire situation was additionally exacerbated by a family tragedy: the death of his only child, his son. In the new state, in which he was suspect as an imperial military leader, he vainly attempted to demonstrate his view “as a Croat and his influence to contribute to the South Slavs during the war”. Disheartened, he wrote: “I no longer yearn to return to Croatia at all […] I shall never file a request to return and I would be entirely satisfied if they were to leave me in peace to enjoy my retirement where I see fit”. In the last preserved letter dated 23 May 1920, exactly one month before his death, Boroević wrote: “[…] I wonder if Laginja is still ban. […] I will take this last step and ask Laginja, as the highest representative of my homeland, to intervene in Belgrade for my pension. If this produces no results, then I can take no responsibility for what may follow. […] I can not allow such treatment of myself to continue”.

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SJEĆANJA GOSPOĐE NEDE PRPIĆ

Author(s): Tomislav Šulj,Neda Prpić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Neda Pripić. Interview conducted by Tomislav Šulj

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Grad kao solidarna zajednica: što povezuje gradove Lübeck i Dubrovnik?

Author(s): Ludwig Steindorff / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In this essay I compare the cities of Lübeck and Dubrovnik on the basis of different criteria: geographical position, age, size of the city and the population, urban topography and ecclesiastical structures. Notwithstanding many clear differences, Lübeck and Dubrovnik show numerous identical structural traits: the forming of the commune and the urban council, the building of representative town halls, and the presence of the mendicant orders. The common characteristics of cities on the Adriatic and the Baltic seas follow from the structural assimilation of the cities in the sphere of the Western Church in the High Middle Ages independently of the age of these cities. The more we learn about these cities, the better we recognize how the character of the cities as solidary communities was already formed in the High Middle Ages. The comparison of cities is one of the contributions to the integration of Europe in the mind of its citizens.

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Brač u Prvome svjetskom ratu: prema agrarnom raspletu

Author(s): Josip Vrandečić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The paper aims to present dynamics of political and every-day activities on the island of Brač during the First World War. It presents the war-related problems of the populace - shortage of manpower and dependence on vineyards as the main economy of the island. The author pays special attention to the agriculture of the island and argues that it was focal point for the local population who suffered food shortages. According to Dalmatian journals and the Bol municipal archives, population was loyal to the regime until 1917 and then started to profess their allegiance to future Yugoslav state. The period after the war did not fulfill their hopes, because the structural problems such as poverty, migration and lack of modernization, continued.

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Guske u magli - Djelovanje članova Središnjega odbora Narodnoga vijeća Slovenaca, Hrvata i Srba u Zagrebu (listopad 1918.–siječanj 1919.)

Author(s): Zlatko Matijević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The justified dissatisfaction of the Slovene political elite with the situation of their lands in the Austrian half of the state, the bitterness of the Croat politicians regarding the dualistic arrangement of the state, which led to the separation of Banal Croatia from Dalmatia and the constitutionally unclear status of Bosnia and Hercegovina, grew into problems which would significantly con-tribute to the ultimate dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. This atmosphere gave rise to the demand to unite the Croats, Slovenes, and Serbs, “three tribes of one nation,” in a common state. The inaugural meeting of the National Council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs (Narodno vijeće Slovenaca, Hrvata, i Srba – NV SHS) was held in Zagreb on 5 and 6 October 1918. After a short hesitation, the Croat-Serb Coalition, the ruling group in Banal Croatia, joined the ranks of the NV SHS. On 19 October 1918, the Central Committee of the NV SHS openly declared its demand for the “unification of the whole nation of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs on the entirety of its ethnographic territory,” without regard to regional or state boundaries, within “one united and fully sovereign state.” At the meeting of the Central Committee on 28/29 October 1918, the propositions of Svetozar Pribićević to sever all constitutional ties between the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia and Dalmatia and the Kingdom of Hungary and the Austrian Empire and of Ante Pavelić (Senr.) regarding the resolution of the Croatian Sabor (Parliament) to recognize the NV SHS as the “supreme government” were adopted. On 29 October 1918, the Croatian Sabor accepted both of these propositions. It was not the goal of the members of the Central Committee to create an independent State of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs outside of the boundaries of the Monarchy, but rather to quickly unite their lands with the Kingdom of Serbia and the Kingdom of Montenegro in a new common state. Soon after the unification of the State of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs with the Kingdom of Serbia was announced on 1 December 1918, the NV SHS and all of its components lost their raison d’être.

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Bošnjaci i stvaranje jugoslavenske države 1918. godine

Author(s): Husnija Kamberović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The historiographical literature overemphasizes the support of Bosniaks for the creation of a Yugoslav state. The commonplace notion is that Bosniak interests were more truly expressed by the Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce (Mehmed Spaho) than by the political leader who was the most influential up to that time (Šerif Arnautović). For a long time Bosniak political leaders held to unclear politics in terms of the postwar position of Bosnia and Hercegovina. In the end, however, the supporters of Yugoslav unification showed themselves to be the dominant force. The proclamation of the formation of the State of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs, which included Slovenia, Croatia, Vojvodina and Bosnia and Hercegovina, was accepted with jubilation among a part of the population of Bosnia and Hercegovina. General Sarkotić, the chief of the Territorial Government of Bosnia and Hercegovina, wrote in his diary (Dnevnik) at the time of its formation: “In Sarajevo itself the happiness of the Serbs appears exaggerated, it seems, to a certain measure to have sobered the Croats and Muslims, but the women and youth show themselves on the streets more in national cockades which then everyone generally wears.”

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Južne granice Ugarsko-Hrvatskog Kraljevstva u vrijeme Stjepana Tomaševića

Author(s): Borislav Grgin / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In this paper the author is attempting to reconstruct complex relations on the southern borders of the late medieval Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom with the neighbouring Kingdom of Bosnia and the Ottomans, during the reign of the last Bosnian medieval king Stjepan (Steven) Tomašević (1461-1463). The main focus is on the politics of the Hungarian-Croatian king Matthias Corvinus (1458-1490) towards Bosnia. The central issue was the relation between Corvinus and Tomašević, in connection with the events preceding the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia. Of particular importance in this respect was the role of the papacy and papal legate Nikola Modruški (Nicholas of Modruš). An at-tempt has also been made to address the question whether the attitude of King Matthias towards Tomašević presented an isolated case, according to its features and methods, or it fitted a more general pattern of Matthias’s concepts, ideas, behaviour and principles of royal government. In conclusion, results of the analysis are summarized and an attempt is made to evaluate Matthias’s overall “Bosnian policy” from 1461 to 1463.

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TUĐMANOVA OCJENA REPRESIVNOSTI USTAŠKOG POKRETA

Author(s): Davor Kovačić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

As a historian who analyzed the history of World War II, Franjo Tuđman paid considerable attention to the subject of the Independent State of Croatia in his scientific research. He studied the Ustasha movement as well in this context and made considerable breakthroughs in the analysis and research thereof. Tuđman felt that mindless violence toward the population of the warring countries, and in particular violence toward entire nations with pronouncedly genocide objectives and consequences, had taken on the most ruthless proportions in the entire human history in the period of World War II when the amount of suffering and the ways in which this violence was meted out are taken into consideration. Tuđman felt this to be an indisputable fact, but he also felt that there could be no serious argument that these crimes, in all their horror, were a new phenomenon in the historical sequence of events or in the development of the human species by any of their characteristics, and particularly not by their consequences.

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