Békepárti külügyminiszter a Nagy Háború árnyékában
From December 1916 to April 1918, Count Ottokar Czernin was the Common Foreign Minister of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. He was the leader of peace speeking foreigne policy of the Monarchy.
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From December 1916 to April 1918, Count Ottokar Czernin was the Common Foreign Minister of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. He was the leader of peace speeking foreigne policy of the Monarchy.
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Prilog skicira rat vođen za Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu i prikazuje sklapanje mirovnog sporazuma u Daytonu. Analizira najznačajnije sadržaje odredbi Daytonskog sporazuma i pokazuje da njegove odredbe po pitanju demokratizacije, povratka izbjeglica i prognanika i procesuiranja ratnih zločina nadmašuju tadašnje odnose moći. Prilog opisuje implementaciju centralnih sadržaja mirovnog sporazuma koji će i sljedećih godina određivati politički diskurs u Bosni i Hercegovini.
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Prve političke stranke u našoj zemlji formirane su početkom prošlog stoljeća u vrijeme Austrougarske uprave u BiH i od tada možemo pratiti razvoj višestranačke demokracije u BiH. Prvo političko organiziranje u BiH odvijalo se na etničko-konfensionalnom principu. Ulaskom u Kraljevinu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, nakon Prvoga svjetskoga rata, prekida se politčki subjektivitet BiH, te razvoj višestranačja u tom razdoblju na području naše zemlje nemoguće je promatrati izvan tadašnjeg opće-južnoslavenskog državnog konteksta. Nakon Drugog svjetskoga rata obnavlja se državnost BiH, ali se i uspostavlja diktatura komunističke partije uz zabranu osnivanja političkih stranaka. Nakon pada komunizma, 1990. godine, obnavlja se višestranačje u našoj zemlji, a zanimljivo je da su i tada baš kao i početkom XX. stoljeća najjače političke stranke formirane na etničkom principu. Razvoj višestranačja prekida rat koji je u BiH trajao od 1992. do 1995. godine. Nakon rata nastavlja se dominacija nacionalnih stranaka. Međutim, unutar sva tri nacionalna korpusa, odnosno sve tri nacionalne strankepokreta, već od prvih poratnih godina započinje proces diferencijacije i demokratizacije. Rascjepima u SDA, SDS-u i HDZ-u BiH nastaje niz novih političkih stranaka. Istodobno jačaju i multietničke stranke kao i stranke umjerenije orijentacije. Jednom započeti proces demokratizacije bio je nezaustavljiv, a kao potporni stup tek rođenoj demokraciji u BiH , uspotavljeni su i zakonski mehanizmi za pravično odvijanje izbornoga procesa, nadzor financiranja političkih stranaka te njihovu ovjeru za nastup na izborima. Svoj doprinos dao je i OHR kroz Bonske ovlasti, kojima je izravnim intervencionizmom u strukturu pojedinih političkih stranaka udaljio osobe koje su djelovale destruktivno na političkoj sceni, i tako ovim strankama omogućio profiliranje u moderne političke opcije lišene nacionalističkih ekstremizama.
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Answering the question of the importance of raising the question of Bosnian identity, cultural memory and representation in literature.
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In the political tradition of Serbia there exist two paradigms which are popularly equated with personalities of the two historic leaders of the Serbian revolution - Karadjordje and Prince Miloš. Karadjordje serves as a symbol of hero and of revolutionary struggle, whereas Prince Miloš, on the other hand, is a symbol of statesman and diplomat. The problem lies in the fact that the two paradigms are regarded as contradicting each other, and that political manners of the Serbian people so far have shown that in the crucial moments of its history priority is given to the warlike archetype of Karadjordje, although the Miloš model would have offered a peaceful and diplomatic solution to political problems. The paper looks into the reinterpretation and revaluation of these models in the last decade of the 20th century as they were actualized once again due to the dramatic circum stances of Y ugoslavia’s desintegration with the ensuingarmed conflicts. Within the framework of the general retraditionalization, the contemplated models took up their position, albeit with a somewhat changed explication.
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The period between 1948 and 1952 is a very important stage in the political development of Milovan Đilas. At that time Đilas launched his ideological and political criticism of USSR and Stalin. His criticism was primarily aimed at the emergence of bureaucratic socialism in the USSR and at Stalin’s imperialist policy. The two party congresses of the Yugoslav communists have marked this period. It could be divided in three parts. The first part, from the Fifth Congress of the CPY (1948) to the Third Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the CPY (December, 1949); the second part, from the Third Plenary Session to the Fourth Plenary Session (June, 1951) and the third part, from the Fourth Plenary Session to the Sixth Congress of the CPY (November, 1952).
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Yugoslavia’s nonaligned foreign policy during the Cold War was one of the main features of the country’s outstanding presence in the international arena. Recent Cold War studies, relying on new archival findings from all sides of this global conflict, tend to give more prominence to the role of lesser powers inside the international system. With the opening of the Yugoslav archives, this was also a noticeable trend in the domestic historiography too. Following these new scientific trends, this article strives to present recent findings from the major Asian archival institutions that could shed more light on the relevance of Yugoslavia’s interactions with the Third World and that could raise new research issues that these new findings might solve. Based on author’s personal experience, this article tends to present some of the most important archives and documents coming from China, India, and Myanmar, countries that nurtured specific relationship with socialist Yugoslavia at that time, adding thus new details and weight to the research done in the domestic archives. Therefore, some of these documents portray Yugoslavia’s all encompassing political, economic, and military presence among major Third World nations even more clearly and also underpin the country’s claims to relevance during the Cold War.
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At the end of World War II and in the upcoming days a strong wave of repression and revolutionary terror followed in all the countries of Eastern Europe, so as in Yugoslavia and Serbia, through instrumentalization of antifascism for the purpose of eliminating revolution enemies. This terror was only partially motivated by war, "revenge ethos", even personal reasons, which necessarily follow almost all warfares in history. Larger part of this terror represented the first phase of well-planned communist revolution, whose aim was to gradually eliminate its class and political enemies. At first, it was done by liquidations without trials, directed by secret police. Later on, formed political trials, mostly under the accusation of war crimes or some kind of collaboration, took over.
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The final military operations at the end of the war in the Balkans were important in the context of transformation of WW II into a conflict of the former allies. As Germany’s power waned, the Western Balkans became one of the zones where spheres of interest were to be delimitated. Conflicting Soviet and US/UK interests in the Eastern Balkans, in the hinterland of the Straits, had a larger conflict potential in the context of sudden enlargement of the Soviet zone of interest. This conflict connected with the inner Balkans was especially acute on the Mediterranean coasts. The importance of the Straits for Russia was immense already in early 20th century. During WW II the situation with delimitation of imperial zones of influence in the Balkans partly resembled the one in WW I. The USSR had reserve plans for a counter-offensive in case of the Allied betrayal that were the fruit of the possibility of the first blow being stricken by British and American forces and their potential allies - the Germans, the Italians. On the local Balkan level such documents were no secret. Tense expectation of the Soviet forces on the borders of Greece and Turkey peaked twice in the HQ of the 37th Army Division in connection with global developments – the end of WW II in Europe (spring 1945) and the final end of WW II (late summer, fall 1945). In the first case the plans were exclusively defensive and in the second they comprised (counter) attack. No doubt, these plans were only elements of both the regional policy of the USSR (support for Greek partisans through Yugoslavia and Albania, reliance on Kurdish insurgents in Iran) and the global construction of opposition to the USA and UK - which goes beyond the scope of this article.
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The Commintern was literally the general-staff of the world revolution. Not only strategy and tactics of armed uprisings were discussed there, but military and military-political courses were held at which Communists and Communist youths were trained as terrorist fighters. In the early 1930s some military courses and schools had been abolished, whereas the remaining ones were unified into the so-called „Partisan Academy“ run by the Polish Communist Carol Swerczewsky under the psudonim of „Walter“. This „Walter“ shouldn’t be confused with another „Walter“ – Josip Broz, as was donne in the latest book by Pera Simić. It is very likely that the two Walters (and eight persons in all used the pseudonym Walter in the Commintern) were meeting each other and communicating, since Josip Broz could be educated, and maybe even taught, at the above mentioned „Partisan Academy“. This cannot be ascertained with absolute accuracy since all documents concerning the activity of the Commintern military schools are still closed for the public.
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Soviet POWs are among the greatest victims of WWII. Their mass destruction by Nazi Germany was racially and ideologically (anti-Bolshevik) motivated. Soviet POWs came to the territory of Yugoslavia and Serbia in various ways. Some were sent to Serbia to complement the Russian Defense Corps, an auxiliary military unit of the German occupational forces. The largest group among the Soviet POWs were the Cossacks who volunteered for the First Cossack Division of the Wehrmacht. The combat career of this division, particularly in Syrmium and Slavonia, was marked by mass crimes. Nevertheless, there was also a wide-spread desertion from this unit. Part of the Soviet POWs found themselves in POW camps in Serbia and Yugoslavia. From among the escapees from these camps, as well as from among deserters from the Cossack Division who joined the partisans, a battalion of the 7th Vojvodina Brigade of the People’s Liberation Army was formed. Members of this battalion returned to the Red Army after its arrival in Serbia in October 1944. They too took part in the Belgrade operation which led to the liberation of the capital of Yugoslavia on October 20, 1944, as part of the 3rd Ukrainian Front.
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WWII was aproaching its end in fall 1944. Italy, member of the Axis had already capitualted. German armed forces suffered grave defeats both on Western and Eastern fronts. They were also forced to start withdrawing from Greece through the vallies of the Vardar and the Morava. The Chetnik movement of Dragoljub Draža Mihalović was also in bad shape at that time. After a number of admonitions to start military actions against the occupying forces, the Western Allies withdrew their military missions from the Staff of Supreme Command as well as from other Chetnik staffs. Furthermore, they withheld military and every other kind of aid. Under the pressure of the British government, the King and the Yugoslav exile government have given them up too. The increasingly difficult military and political situation of the movement of Dragoljub Draža Mihalović spurred the gathering of the Central Nationa Committee whose permanent session started in the village of Milićevci near Čačak on September 8, 1944. Apart from making combinations about the make-up of the „Chetnik government“, the possibility of the Russian crossing of the Danube into Serbia and Yugoslavia was discussed at the meeting. Having crossed the Yugoslav-Romanian border at Turnu Severin on September 6, 1944, the units of 3rd Ukrainian Front of the Red Army, together with the units of the People’s Liberation Army dispersed the German, Chetnik, Nedić and Ljotić forces and prepared to take starting positions for the begining of the Belgrade operation. On hearing that the Red Army units were crossing into Serbia and in order to butter up to the command of the Soviet troops, the commander of the Rasina-Toplica corps group colonel Dragutin Keserović immediately undertook sabotage actions, obstructing German transports and he started attacking German forces. He ordered that German lines of communication be severed between Vrnjačka Banja and Kraljevo. Part of the Toplica Corps was saddled with the task to do the same between the village of Stopanje and Trstenik. The third part of his forces had the task to cut off the communication between Kruševac and Stalać. Chetnik forces of over 10.000 soldiers were used for these actions. At the intervention of the leadership of the People’s Liberation Army of Yugoslavia, the attempt at cooperation between the Chetniks of Draža Mihalović and the Red Army units turned out to be a total failure since it was known that some Chetnik commanders continued colaborating with Germans. For the leadership of the Red Army the Chetniks became the enemy force in Serbia which was to be destroyed together with occupying and other Quisling forces. Part of the members of Chetnik units was disarmed and set free, whereas many joined the units of the People’s Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and took part in the fight against occupiers and their collaborators. The Chetnik forces which managed to avoid being disarmed, withdrew together with their commanders and the Supreme Command simultaneously with the occupying forces in the previously determined direction of Bosnia and further to the West where they met with tragic fate. Smaller Chetnik groups which remained in some parts of Serbia organized terrorist activities for some time after the end of WWII until they were completely destroyed.
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One of the key elements of the Yugoslav foreign policy during the first years after WWII was the attempt of the new Yugoslav authorities to strengthen their position in the region and to expand their territory at the expense of the neighboring countries. Already in the last phase of the war Yugoslavia raised territorial claims against Austria. Yugoslavia was particularly interested in annexing parts of Carinthia, justifying territorial demands by the fact that a larger number of members of the Slovenian national minority had lived there. The Yugoslav attempt to put the Allies before a fait accompli by invading Carinthia in the last phase of the war, failed. While the Soviet side was willing to accept the participation of Yugoslav troops in the occupation of Austria, the Western Allies insisted on withdrawal of the Yugoslav army from the occupied territories in Austria. In its diplomatic campaign to annex the border parts of Austria the Yugoslav regime enjoyed the support of the Soviet Union. Unlike the diplomatic representatives of the Western powers, the Soviet representatives lent their support to the Yugoslav territorial demands against Austria at the conferences on the peace treaty with Austria in 1947 and 1948. The Soviet attitude changed after the Resolution of the Informbuerau. Already in mid-1949 the Soviet diplomacy withheld its further support to Yugoslav claims against Austria, which led to the breakdown of the Austrian policy of the Yugoslav regime and eventually opened the way to the conclusion of the Austrian State Treaty.
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