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4.90 €

FRANJO TUĐMAN I ORGANIZACIJA RADA U INSTITUTU ZA HISTORIJU RADNIČKOG POKRETA HRVATSKE OD 1961. DO 1967.

Author(s): Mira Kolar-Dimitrijević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement of Croatia was established on September 25, 1961 by a decision of the Executive Committee of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia and the Executive Committee of the Main Board of the Socialist League of the People’s Republic of Croatia with the principal task of studying the history of the workers’ movement in Croatia and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, the history of the people’s liberation war, and the socialist revolution. The task had not been officially changed for the entire time Tuđman served as the Institute’s director (1961-1967), but the Institute’s research was nevertheless expanded to economic, cultural, and educational subjects. Tuđman, however, lacked experienced staff, and his methodology of setting a goal first and then proving it later was not the best of choices. Excessive recruitment transformed the Institute into the most expensive scientific institution in Croatia. Attempting to justify the existence of this young institution, Tuđman decided to make the Institute publicly active, which proved detrimental to its future. The Institute was blacklisted and its results belittled or attacked. Tuđman was forced to leave the Institute, and his successors cut down the number of Institute’s associates from 126 to only about fifty. Tuđman’s activity at the Institute is a self-contained unit with its beginning, its development, and its end. A troubled end followed the initial good idea and the brilliant beginning, and it altered Tuđman and all of his co-workers, but also had a considerable impact on the historiography of modern Croatian history, which only sprung to life again after the arrival of new people who had no memory of the Institute from Tuđman’s era. Tuđman had a vision of the Institute’s task, but objective causes prevented him from putting his vision in effect. Still, he helped raise the historical awareness of everyone who researched history, politics, culture, economy, literature, and other aspects of life. 1971 and everything that happened afterwards was thus more or less marked by traces of Tuđman’s efforts.

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DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN IZMEĐU POLITIKE I POVIJESTI: POVIJESNA PREDODŽBA O HRVATSTVU I JUGOSLAVENSTVU, SLAVENSTVU I INTERNACIONALIZMU

Author(s): Nikša Stančić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Croatian history and the changes of Croatia’s political position in the tides of European history, in particular in the 19th and 20th centuries, were in the focus of Franjo Tuđman’s historical research, wherein he paid special attention to political ideas and programs in the period that had shaped the identity of the modern Croatian nation and the program of its political independence, the period in which different variants of pan-Slavism and the ideas about Southern Slavic/ Illyric/ Yugoslav unity had played an important role in the formation of political programs and their implementation both in Croatia’s political forces and the political forces in Croatia’s immediate environment. He noted the continuity of Croatia’s struggles for a higher level of independence in multinational states, first in the Habsburg Monarchy, and later in Yugoslavia, and felt that the different variants of pan-Slavism and idea about Southern Slavic unity in Croatian politics had emerged from the political position of the Croatian territories in individual periods or from political situations (political dividedness and exposure to denationalization attempts in the Habsburg Monarchy, danger of the Croatian territory being divided at the time of World War I, and so on). On the other hand, Tuđman observed how these ideas were used for imperial purposes, for instance, how pan-Slavism was used in the service of Russian imperial politics, and how the idea about the unity of Southern Slavs was used to implement the program of Great-Serbian hegemony. He tracked the continuity of the existence and the political implementation of different forms of pan-Slavism and South-Slavic ideas to the time when he wrote his research papers, mostly the 1960s, a period in which Croatia was a part of the Social Federalist Republic of Yugoslavia, and the world was in the middle of the Cold War between two social, political, and military blocks. Tuđman felt that both the Universalist idea about world integration on the foundations of modern technological accomplishments, advocated by «Western democracies», and the Soviet insistence on socialist internationalism and limited sovereignty of the socialist countries were manifestations of imperial goals at the expense of small and dependent nations. He contrasted these two ideas with the activities of the Nonaligned Movement and the idea about coexistence in a world divided into blocks, the activities of the United Nations, the process of colonial territories establishing their national independence, and the headway of the idea about a united Europe, which he felt to be Europe’s way of distancing itself from both the United States and the USSR.

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FRANJO TUĐMAN I SAMOODREĐENJE NARODA

Author(s): Albert Bing / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Franjo Tuđman, the first president of the Croatian independent state, was the central figure of Croatian politics in the 1990s. His personal views on politics and his intellectual preoccupations, characterized by strong influences of historicism (as defined by K. Popper), had the decisive influence on all important aspects of Croatian politics and social life in the period of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the constitution of the Croatian state. In this historical context, the process of Croatia’s positioning in the international community was closely tied with the problem of articulating the legitimacy and legality of Croatian demands for national independence. The problem of self-determination of peoples surfaced in the argumentation of Croatia’s position and the position of other successors of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. As it had been the case at the time of Yugoslavia’s establishment, the self-determination of peoples became the subject of political, legal, historical, and other debates in which different understandings and interpretations of this principle surfaced. This article considers and analyzes individual aspects of Tuđman’s views and of his political articulation of the idea about the self-determination of peoples in this context. The article is a part of a broader study that discusses the self-determination of peoples in the context of the establishment and disintegration of the Yugoslav state.

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STJEPAN RADIĆ U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA

Author(s): Hrvoje Čapo / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Franjo Tuđman covered Stjepan Radić’s activities in most detail in the context of the history of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and in papers for the most part written in the 1960s. The papers basically approached their topics from the Croatian point of view and reconstructed the repressive system of Serbian centralist and hegemonist rule. It had been a novelty in historiography that introduced some new views on the matters in question, and his approach still holds its value today. Tuđman agreed with certain judgments about Radić that had already been made in historiography, but he also made a considerable headway in the understanding of his personality with his detailed study of Radić’s work. The detachment from the prevalent ideas of the time that saw the Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS) as a party of landlords that had played its most important role in preventing clericalism among the peasantry, and that saw Radić as a naïve and opportunistic politician whose only concern was being in power, was certainly a considerable contribution on Tuđman’s part. Franjo Tuđman was particularly interested in the consistency of Radić’s fight for Croatian sovereignty, which had always rested on the idea about Croatia’s independence. Statehood options in Radić’s mind progressed from federalism to confederalism, depending on different political and historical contexts, but they had always been a part of the context of Slavic solidarity. In addition to their Pan-Slavism, Franjo Tuđman drew attention to two other important features of Radić and his HSS: the idea about a folk enlightenment movement with a broad basis in the peasantry, and the politics of peaceful resistance. Even though he felt some of Radić’s moves had been less than prudent, his overall judgment of Stjepan Radić was positive, mainly due to Radić’s commitment to Croatian sovereignty.

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OCJENA SPORAZUMA CVETKOVIĆ-MAČEK I DRŽAVNOG UDARA 27. OŽUJKA 1941.

Author(s): Krešimir Regan / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Banovina Hrvatska was Croatian nation’s political and territorial unit in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia that enjoyed a high level of autonomy from the central government. It was established on August 26, 1939 when Vladko Maček, the president of the Croatian Peasants’ Party and the representative of the Peasant-Democratic Coalition, signed an agreement with Dragiša Cvetković, the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the representative of the Yugoslav Radical Union. By granting Croats this autonomy, the political circles in Belgrade with the regent Prince Pavle at the helm aimed to solve the question of Croatian national and territorial individuality in the Yugoslav state (the Croatian question), and thus give the Kingdom of Yugoslavia internal political stability in the circumstances of growingly tense political relations in Europe in the eve of World War II. The establishment of Banovina Hrvatska was the beginning of an internal political reform whose ultimate objective was to transform the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from a unitary country into a federation. In this project Dravska banovina was supposed to be converted into Banovina Slovenija with Slovenes as its dominant population, and the entire territory east of Banovina Hrvatska, in which the Serbs constituted the relative majority, was supposed to be joined into a political and territorial unit called The Serbian Territories. This plan had its opponents both on Serbian and on Croatian side. Croats felt that they had a historical right to Vrbaska banovina, as this territory had been a part of the Kingdom of Croatia throughout the Middle Ages, and they also felt that they had a right to entire Syrmia, as it had been a part of the former Austro-Hungarian Triune Kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia until 1922. Serbs, on the other hand, felt that they had a historical right to the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slavonia, and Dalmatia. Opponents of the reform assembled around the Serbian Cultural Club were especially active among the latter, and so were some officers of the Yugoslav Army, who brought down the Cvetković-Maček government in a coup on March 27, 1941, thus putting an end to the reform that had just begun. There is no dilemma that these events were the subject of Tuđman’s professional interest, but some of his close friends and political associates (Stipe Mesić, Josip Manolić, Dušan Bilandžić, Petar Kriste) and some of the journalists (Branko Tuđen, Tihomir Ponoš, Darko Hudelist, Marinko Čulić, and others) advocate the thesis that Banovina Hrvatska was an obsession for Tuđman, that he was burdened by historicism, Banovina Hrvatska in particular, that he moved into «the field of conservative Croatian ideology and politics» by «identifying» himself with Maček and by studying the agreement on Banovina Hrvatska, and that he had accordingly striven to set up the independent Republic of Croatia within the historical boundaries of Banovina Hrvatska in the first half of the 1990s.

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DRUGI SVJETSKI RAT U HRVATSKOJ I JUGOSLAVIJI U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA

Author(s): Anđelko Mijatović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Historical researcher Franjo Tuđman addresses the war and political developments in Croatia and the countries of former Yugoslavia during World War II (1941-1945) in several of his published books, studies, encyclopedia articles, and discussions, investigating the beginnings of the anti-occupation fighting and the People’s Liberation Movement (NOP), the formation of the People’s Liberation Army (NOV), the progress of the People’s Liberation War (NOR), and the socialist and communist revolution and the establishment of the socialist and communist authorities, as these ideas and processes were named in communist terminology. In his first historical book, War against War (Rat protiv rata), published in Zagreb in 1957, Tuđman discusses the general anti-occupation struggle against the Axis Powers in World War II (1941-1945) in the territory of former Yugoslavia in the article People’s Liberation War and the Socialist Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945 (Narodnooslobodilački rat i socijalistička revolucija u Jugoslaviji 1941.-1945.), setting it in the context of the conditions and circumstances that resulted from the dominant factors of the «social and political development of the peoples of Yugoslavia» of the time. Tuđman addressed the same issues in his study The Formation of Socialist Yugoslavia (Stvaranje socijalističke Jugoslavije), published in Zagreb in 1960; in his texts about the People’s Liberation War in Croatia; in his entry about Croatia published in The Encyclopedia of Yugoslavia and The Military Encyclopedia, published the same year; in his article The New Yugoslavia (Nova Jugoslavija) in The Military Encyclopedia (1961); and in his book Occupation and Revolution (Okupacija i revolucija), published in 1963, with two papers. The aforementioned Tuđman’s writings are characterized by all the ideological features of the time and are a part of contemporary Yugoslav historiography by their time setting and by their concepts alike. In his works written after 1963, however, he laid a greater emphasis on Croatia’s importance and contribution to the overall progress of the People’s Liberation War and the People’s Liberation Movement in Yugoslavia. Tuđman thus broke free from the ideological burdens in the lecture Discussions about the Causes of Monarchist Yugoslavia’s Breakdown and the Prerequisites for the Development of People’s Liberation Struggle in Croatia, which he delivered in Split on October 9, 1964 and in Karlovac on March 2, 1965, in his presentation On the General Conditions and Characteristics of the Development of the Revolutionary and Democratic Movement in Croatia, which he held in Ljubljana at the end of April 1966, in his paper The National Question in Modern Europe, published in 1981, and in his book Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti, published in Zagreb in 1989, and translated to English as Horrors of War: Historical Reality and Philosophy...

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NEZAVISNA DRŽAVA HRVATSKA I ŽRTVE DRUGOGA SVJETSKOG RATA U POVIJESNIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA FRANJE TUĐMANA

Author(s): Mario Jareb / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Croatian public has formed its opinion regarding Franjo Tuđman as a historian almost exclusively from sentences in a speech that he delivered in Zagreb in late February 1990 which seems to suggest that he believed that most Croats in 1941 supported the Independent State of Croatia. Although he dedicated more than three decades of his life to historical research on topics related to contemporary Croatian history, debates in the Croatian media and among Croatian historians are still often focused on those sentences, which have repeatedly been quoted without any reference to Tuđman’s other work or to why he included them in his speech. However, an analysis of the content of those sentences suggests that Tuđman was attempting to approach the foundation of the Independent State of Croatia as a historian rather than as a politician, but that he simplified the complexity of that historical event in his speech. Although some critics have alleged that Tuđman holds revisionist pro-NDH views, an analysis of his numerous works and public statements shows that he never adopted such views. He remained a vociferous critic of the NDH and the Ustašas [the Croatian is now regularly used in scholarly publications in English] from his earliest historical publications to the end of his life. He condemned Ustaša crimes openly and without any hesitation. However, as a historian who during the 1960s had dared to challenge some Party dogmas about World War II in Yugoslavia and in Croatia, he became the object of serious attacks by some powerful circles within the Yugoslav People’s Army, the League of Communists of Croatia/Yugoslavia, and Yugoslav and Croatian historians. Many of those who attacked Tuđman labeled him a nationalist and did everything they could to prevent him from publishing results of his research. His analysis of historiographic and political stereotypes that treated all Croats as Ustašas was closely related to his research on the NDH and the Ustaša movement. His efforts to contribute to an accurate estimate of population losses in Yugoslavia during World War II consumed much of his time and energy during the period from the mid 1960s to the end of the 1980s. He attempted to deconstruct myths related to these population losses and to promote research based on relevant sources and data. There is no doubt that the Jasenovac myth was one of the main foci of his research. Since the myths surrounding Yugoslavia’s war dead were supported by the Communist regime, Tuđman faced not only criticism of his research but became a dissident and the object of the regime’s repression.

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PRVI HRVATSKI PREDSJEDNIK DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O JUGOSLAVENSKOM PREDSJEDNIKU JOSIPU BROZU TITU

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Based on his speeches and other statements, the article analyzes Croatian president’s Franjo Tuđman’s views about the Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito. We many conclude that Tuđman’s opinions about Tito had been for the most part positive, occasionally encroaching on noncritical apologia of the communist Yugoslavia’s former leader. We may also conclude that Tuđman’s partialness to Tito was, among other reasons, motivated by the fact that Tuđman had been a part of Tito’s Partisan movement in his young days, and that he had later been a member of the Yugoslavian communist nomenclature. To give a better illustration of Tuđman’s interpretation of Tito, the article also describes Tuđman’s insistence on the politics of national reconciliation of the Croatian people, with which he planned to overcome the ideological differences between Croats stemming from the events of World War II.

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KATOLIČKA CRKVA I KATOLICIZAM U DJELU FRANJE TUĐMANA

Author(s): Jure Krišto / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

There are few historians whose historiographical pursuits were so closely intertwined with their personal fates as Franjo Tuđman’s had been. Few people ever met the prerequisites for it in the way Tuđman did. A distinguished and loyal follower of the Marxist ideas, devoted to socialism and socialist development, and a high-ranking official of the Communist Party and the Yugoslav Army, Tuđman started to break free from the control of the Party, which had kept a close eye on the interpretation of historical events, in particular of modern history, in his historiographical research, finally bringing himself to a point where the Party was forced to discipline him. Tuđman’s views clashed with those of the Party leaders when he stood up against certain interpretations of recent Croatian history that had been built on political hypotheses and definitions, for instance, interpretations about the Ustasha concentration camp Jasenovac, the number of casualties in World War II, the alleged historical guilt of the Croatian people, and the alleged negative role of the Catholic Church. In short, when Tuđman attempted to rectify the distorted image of Croatian history, he himself became the target of persecution. It left a permanent stain on Croatian historiography, since some historians joined in the persecution driven by motives that had little to do with historiography. By distancing himself from the Party, Tuđman gradually distanced himself from Marxism as a philosophical system and from the socialist system of the country, in which Marxism and the Party dictated all aspects of life, historiography included. There are indications that he started to approach Catholicism, or better still, the Catholic Church as its historical embodiment. In the last phase of his intellectual pursuits, which coincided with the fiercest attacks on everything Croatian, Tuđman wrote a systematic defense of the Catholic Church, offering sound arguments against the theses of many Serbian historians and publicists, who slandered the Church and its leader at the time of World War II, Archbishop Alojzije Stepinac. As Croatian president, he evoked the historical connections between Croats and the Holy See in his dealings with the Pope, emphasized the Croats’ historical orientation on the West, and confirmed their devotedness to the Holy See and to the Catholic values. He expressed his gratitude to the Holy See for the favors they did to the Croats in decisive moments, and he promised that Croats would remain on this course. Tuđman’s life path distanced him from Catholicism, but his suffering gradually brought him back to it. His life and career are a story about intellectual pursuits fueled by curiosity, about a great sense of justice and truth, about an extensive opus as a writer, dedication to the idea of Croatian sovereignty, an acute sense of political moment, and the grand establishment of an independent Croatian state. Without a shadow of doubt, his life had been lived to the fullest, and fulfilled the hopes of many!

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FRANJO TUĐMAN I ISTRA

Author(s): Nevio Šetić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author discusses Franjo Tuđman’s contribution to the analysis and understanding of historical and political processes and events that took place in the Croatian national territory in the 19th and 20th centuries. He describes the particularity of the Croatian national question and the Croatian national integration process, the understanding of the antifascist and national liberation movement, and the fundamental human and national values and the right of the Croatian nation to self-determination and independence, nationwide and in the Istrian region alike. As a historian, Franjo Tuđman had not studied Istrian history directly, but he addressed it within his studies of the recent Croatian, Southern Slavic, and European history. The article also discusses Franjo Tuđman’s conduct towards Istria and its residents in the capacity of the President of the Republic of Croatia and the President of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) based on an analysis of the reports published in the local daily Glas Istre and four speeches Tuđman had delivered in Istria at the beginning of the 1990s, as well as looks into the political views of the Istrian Democratic Assembly’s (IDS) elite on Franjo Tuđman and the politics of the Croatian Democratic Union, at whose helm he had been.

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DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN U SRPSKOJ HISTORIOGRAFIJI

Author(s): Jakša Raguž / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The portrayal of Franjo Tuđman in 88 analyzed publications by Serbian historiographers of different provenance and ranking, academician or lower, who analyzed the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the wars that had accompanied the process, is pronouncedly negative. Tuđman is given a negative verdict as a person (chauvinist), historian (lacks objectivity, uses historiography in service of political goals, plagiarist), and politician (follower of the fascist regime of the Independent State of Croatia, autocrat, warmonger, creator and enforcer of politics of genocide and ethnical cleansing, and so on). The authors of such diagnoses mostly try to avoid parts of his biography that could compromise the uniformity of their verdicts (his participation in the antifascist movement during World War II, for instance, or his endeavors to find an amicable solution for the Serbian rebellion in Croatia 1990/1995). The views of Serbian historiographers are not surprising given the political and social climate in Serbia, which has not changed much throughout the past decades.

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Disidentstvo kao istraživačka tema – pojam i pristupi

Author(s): Katarina Spehnjak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The concept of “dissidence’’ is most often used to denote critical activities directed toward the communist governments of the countries of Eastern Europe and Yugoslavia in the time after Stalin’s death. Its connection to the politics of the Cold War speaks to the fact that the definition was subjected to the widest interpretations and that dissidents were considered individuals or groups ranging from deserters from the communist movement to all those who were dissatisfied with one party rule. From a research point of view the selection of the best definition complicates the politicization of the historical context to which dissidence belongs, the question of value judgments, the problem of “measuring’’ dissident activities, and the personal perceptions of participants/dissidents. For the purposes of this conference a suitable definition of dissidence is any activity which attempted to constitute an autonomous public sphere outside of the official institutions of the party state and by which it opposed the desire of the regime to completely control the public sphere. This opens the possibility of analyzing the complexity of the mosaic of themes exploring different segments of activism in politics and culture: critical approaches, creative detachment from prevailing or official positions – whether the fruit of personal initiative or a group of like-minded individuals – in the recent past. While on a theoretical level dissidence is relatively clear, the attempt to apply some of the concepts in the analysis of historical practice in Croatia/Yugoslavia, or to compare these to situations in other countries of realist socialism, raises many uncertainties, which indicates caution in using historiographical models without regard to specific historical context or period.

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Dinamika političke promjene unutar komunističke vlasti: primjer SFRJ

Author(s): Krsto Cviić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Just as the governments of the other communist countries in Europe, the Yugoslavian government operated within the formula of “challenge and response’’, which was first devised by the once fashionable yet today almost totally forgotten British philosopher of history, Arnold Toynbee. For a long time dissidents were a relative minor threat to the powerful and proud Yugoslav authorities, but gradually, owing to the combination of internal and external events, the dissidents gained in importance and came to play a significant role in the defeat of the political system and the destruction of the Yugoslavian state. This process is the theme of this article.

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(Ne)Tolerisani disidenti / specifičnost jugoslovenskog socijalizma 1953-1985.

Author(s): Srđan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The work deals with the phenomenon of political repression in Yugoslavia and the analysis of the state`s attitude towards dissidents in the context of complex and changeable inner and foreign factors. One can notice the diversity of dissident front in Serbia and Yugoslavia as well as the levels of ideologically and hierarchically limited criticism and a number of other specific qualities wich result from the special nature of Yugoslav regime after 1953. Also an effort was made to distinguish the similarities and differences in treating the dissidents in relation to the countries of real socialism as well as different attitude towards political delinquents in different republics of Yugosloavia.

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Bugarsko disidentstvo u vrijeme komunističkog razdoblja. Historiografski osvrt

Author(s): Marijana Stamova / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Political changes in 1989 in Central and Eastern Europe, though called forth by similar social and economic conditions, had fundamentally different historical, psychological, and functional characteristics. There are three basic internal-political factors which led to changes within the political system in Bulgaria: political ambitions within the ruling elite, ethnic conflicts in the ea-stern parts of the country, and social dissatisfaction which was most prominent among intellectual circles. Unlike other eastern European countries, in Bulgaria the dissident movement was not strong until the end of the 1980s and the influence of traditional bourgeois parties and the political emigration on everyday life in the country before 1990 was likewise rather limited. This article presents the historiographical research done on this theme in Bulgaria to this point in time.

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Crkve kao protivnici komunističkog sistema u Jugoslaviji – sličnosti i razlike

Author(s): Radmila Radić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

If certain of the determinants that appear in the literature dealing with the Yugoslavian dissident movement which label as dissidents all those whose thinking opposed the ruling majority are accepted, including anti-communists and nationalists, that is to say, if all those who were able to contribute to the subversion and destruction of communism while creating a new space for culture and information delimited from the state are labelled dissidents, then we can place the activity of the Churches or religious communities within the framework of dissident activity or the arena of semi-legal opposition. There was a difference in the manner in which the Catholic and the Serbian Orthodox Churches expressed opposition to the regime, in terms of approach, degree, and form. These differences grew out of the varying structures of the Churches, their objective strength, the historical experiences, their size and so on. The only matter in which there was no difference was in the length of the opposition. The nature of the opposition expressed toward the regime by the Catholic and Serbian Orthodox Church changed and adapted to the conditions in the country as well as the state of international relations in which Yugoslavia existed, but these were not applied at the same time. During Yugoslavia’s existence, the Churches represented the ultimate challenge to the Party, be-cause they offered an alternative philosophy of life and, for longest time, the only possible opposition. This drew all those who thought differently to them. The Churches themselves in varying degrees worked to draw opponents of the regime to them, and the youth, and in this process they utilized different means and methods. With time “the latent dissatisfaction expressed through turn toward the Church and religion began to take on a political complexion.” The terrain required for rehabilitating the past, and with it the Churches and religion itself, was prepared far earlier than the decay of the socialist system and ideology began and for this reason the Churches during the 1980s rather easily embraced the opportunity to carry out their revitalization.

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“Slučaj Mihajlov’’ u bilješkama diplomatskih predstavnika Velike Britanije 1966.

Author(s): Katarina Spehnjak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This article provides a brief overview of the activities of Mihajlo Mihajlov in 1966, while documents about his activities found among the diplomatic papers of Great Britain form the basis of an understanding of British attitudes toward dissidents in Yugoslavia. An academic assistant at the University of Zadar, Mihajlov, due to his literary work (the travel-essay Ljeto moskovsko 1964) and his political activities, was from 1965 to 1975 sentenced and jailed on a few occasions. Ideologically similar to dissident Milovan Djilas, Mihajlov in 1966 gathered around himself a group of intellectuals and artists from several Yugoslavian cities with the aim of launching an independent opposition newspaper. There was great interest in his literary work and political analysis in the west. In 1978 he moved to the United States. On the basis of documents from British diplomatic representatives in Yugoslavia in 1966 the second part of this article provides a study of the British attitude toward the “Mihajlov case.” Though partial, this analysis shows that the official politics of the western countries approached the theme of Yugoslav dissidents more carefully than in the case of dissidents from the eastern bloc. An evaluation of the activities of Mihajlov as well as the reaction of the Yugoslavian authorities is seen to indicate a certain amount of restraint.

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Vladimir Bakarić i Praxis

Author(s): Dino Mujadžević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of transcripts of conversations of Vladimir Bakarić and his comrades during the period 1964-1968, which are held among the Bakarić papers in the Croatian State Archive, it is possible to trace the attitude of the leadership of the Communist Party of Croatia (SKH) in quite close detail regarding the dissident Marxist circle gathered around the journal Praxis. Bakarić looked very negatively upon the activities of this group, which among other things had sharply criticized the economic reforms carried out in 1965 that introduced some elements of market economy in Yugoslavia calling for a return to utopian ideals of socialism, and he orchestrated a media campaign against them in the mid 1960s. After student demonstrations took place in Belgrade and Zagreb in 1968, which Bakarić believed were inspired by the group around Praxis, he was personally engaged in the Party’s discipline of individual sympathizers and the group at the Faculty of Philosophy and the Faculty of Political Sciences in Zagreb.

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Otpadništvo 1968. – radikalizacija komunističkih rješenja

Author(s): Igor Graovac / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Over forty years after the student unrest of 1968 occurred, it is still variously interpreted. Mystifications concerning the first emergence of democratic, liberal and other similar denotations are attached to the era of the revolt, while the radical communist solutions proposed by the participants in the revolt are mentioned least of all. The Zagreb demonstrations, under the banner slogan of “eminent communist solutions,” confirmed the later intent of the revolt, which – despite official criticism that it was led by “Demagogic-Anarcho-Liberal phrase-makers” (the so-called ‘DALF’ovists) – was in fact led by individuals who considered themselves “the last SKOJevists” (leaders of the communist youth movement). Thus the revolt was not the work of dissidents, but rather of schismatics characterized by their demand for the further radicalization of communist solutions.

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Disidenti/”divergenti”, ljudska prava i osamostaljivanje Hrvatske

Author(s): Albert Bing / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the affirmation of political pluralism at the beginning of the 1990s in Croatia and Yugoslavia a new political (administrative) elite was created in which various types of political (communist) dissidents had a central role. Their life and political experiences, value systems and intellectual capabilities directly affected the dynamism and quality of their management of the turbulent circumstances of war and the implementation of radical social changes as well as the question of national emancipation. In this framework some of the most important social changes are analyzed and especially the issue of Croatian independence. This article highlights the attitude of the new (ex-dissident) political elite toward political and other freedoms, that is, the complex of the-mes associated with various aspects of human rights, as one of the most important components of the democratization of Croatian society. These matters were not only closely related to the internal development of Croatian society, but also of exceptional importance to the positioning of the Croatian state in the international community. Since the issue of dissidents generally represents one of the most important components of 20th century communism, this work encompasses a summary analysis of the typologies and historical pretexts of the peculiarities of Yugoslavian and Croatian dissident movements (it is in this context that the notion of “divergent” makes an appearance).

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