PORICANJE GENOCIDA DOVODI DO NOVIH LAŽI, NOVIH OBMANA I BUDUĆIH GREŠAKA
Interview with Roy Gutman
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Interview with Roy Gutman
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Interview with Teofil Pančić
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Reviews of: 1. Rudiger Wischenbart, Frica lui Canetti, București, Ed. Univers, 1997, în românește de Ana Stanca Tăbărași. 2. Livius Ciocârlie, Cap și pajură, București, Editura Albatros, 1997. 3. Proza feminină austriacă, Iași, Institutul European, 1998. 4. Esterhăzy Peter, Verbele auxiliare ale inimii. Introducere în beletristică, lași, Institutul European, 1997, traducere și note de Anamaria Pop, postfață de Mircea Nedelciu. 5. Bernard Malamud, Butoiașul vrăjit, în românește de Anton Celaru, București, Editura Hasefer, 1998. 6. Witold Gombrowicz, Jurnal, selecție, traducere și note de Olga Zaicik, prefață de Kazimierz Jurczak, București, Editura Univers, 1998. 7. Ladislav Mnacko, Gustul puterii, traducere, prefață și tabel cronologic de Helliana Ianculescu, București, Editura Minerva, 1997. 8. Slavco Almăjan, Metagalaxia minoritară, Novi Sad, Editura Libertatea, Iugoslavia, 1996; Iași, Editura I.N.S.C.R., 1998. 9. Fulvio Tomizza, Materada, traducere de Doina Condrea Derer, Timișoara, Editura Augusta, 1998. 10. Peter Handke, Scurtă scrisoare pentru o lungă despărțire, traducere și postafață de Mariana Lăzărescu, București, Editura Univers, 1998. 11. Methodologische und literarhistorische Studieri zur deutschen Literatur Ostmittel - und Sildosteuropas. Internationales Symposion, Innsbruck 18-19.10.1991 Sudostdeutsches Kulturwerk, Miinchen, 1994. 12. Guy Hermet, Istoria națiunilor și naționalismului în Europa, traducere de Silvia Dram, prefață de Al. Zub, Iași, Institutul European, 1997. 13. Raoul Girardet, Mituri și mitologii politice, Iași, Editura Institutului European, 1997. 14. Allan Janik, Stephen Toulmin, Viena lui Wittgenstein, București, Editura Humanitas, 1998, traducere și note de Mircea Flonta. 15. Aurel C. Popovici, Naționalism sau Democrație, o critică a civilizațiunii moderne, studiu introductiv, îngrijire de ediție, note de Constantin Schifirneț, București, Editura Albatros, 1997. 16. Aurel C. Popovici, Stat și Națiune, Statele-Unite ale Austriei Mari, Studii politice în vederea rezolvării problemei naționale și a crizelor constituționale din Austro-Ungaria, traducere din limba germană de Petre Pandrea, studiu introductiv, note și îngrijire de ediție Constantin Schifirneț, București, Editura Albatros, 1997. 17. Doru Radosav, Sentimentul religios la români, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Dacia, 1997.
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The Italian fortress of Palmanova, built in 1593 and designed by Gulio Savorgnan represented a turning point in the studies of the military engineers of that time. The French engineer Sébastien Le Prestre de Vauban, through the fortress of Neuf-Brisach, created the “Vauban defence system”, reminiscing of the layout provided by the fortress of Palmanova, approximatively 100 years later. In this paper I intend to analyse the reason why, in 1711, the appointed architect Giovanni Morando Visconti used the Vauban defence system in designing the Alba fortress in the present-day Romania. Following the political and historical background that led to the building of these fortresses and the strategical points that they represent, I intend to identify the similarities between them and whether following an architecture that is based on the ideal city of Renaissance represents a political statement.
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„Pluralitatea” spațiului habsburgic1, pe care Moritz Csaky a definit-o ținînd seama atît de realitățile interne (etnice, lingvistice, culturale și politice) ale Imperiului, cît și de cele rezultate din îmbinarea pe acest teritoriu a unor tipuri extrem de diferite de civilizație europeană, a evoluat pe parcursul unei istorii proprii spre statutul de calitate „fizionomică” fundamentală a regiunii, calitate din care rezultă, paradoxal, tocmai marca sa unitară. Constituirea treptată, deși dificilă, a unui spațiu economic comun - în ciuda disparităților adînci dintre provinciile dezvoltate și subdezvoltate, ca și a relativei întîrzieri în procesul expansiunii capitaliste, cauzate, în comparație cu Anglia, Franța sau Prusia/ Germania, de o tipică imobilitate socio-politică - a facilitat în Europa Centrală un permanent schimb de mărfuri, oameni și idei, pe baza căruia s-a constituit aici cadrul diferențial al unui cuprinzător „spațiu social”. Trăsătura sa cea mai pregnantă ar consta în aceea că, în timp ce în statele naționale moderne, unde conceptul de „națiune” a căpătat concomitent și un sens uniformizant din punct de vedere social, societatea se fragmentează pe „verticală”, în categorii (clase) cu interese sociale și politice divergente, (precum în Germania de după 1871), în cazul nostru persistă un fragmentarism „orizontal”, de sorginte premodernă; pe fondul unui echilibru instabil dintre centralismul programatic al iosefinismului și presiunea particularismelor provinciale sau naționale, acesta se manifestă, fie în chip individual, fie la nivel colectiv, prin coexistența pluralistă a mai multor identități (sau loialități) și sub-identități.
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Very little has been relatively studied about the interaction between Finland and Romania. Most existing studies deal with the interwar period and World War II, but there is still room for complementary interpretations. This study focuses on Finns’ perceptions of Romania, especially from the perspective of brotherhood in arms between the two countries. The theme is worth exploring because, during the Second World War, both Finland and Romania considered the development of mutual relations more important than ever before. This study is based on an extensive number of original sources. The analysis shows that there were different attitudes towards Romania as a brother-in-arms, but the attitude was positive in principle. The differences are explained by the type of goals set for the future development of the relationship between Finland and Romania. It is evident that Romania was valued as a brother-in-arms by a wide range of citizens. The Finnish media and the NGOs behind it conveyed a positive image of Romania and emphasized the common interests of Finland and Romania in the ongoing war. However, the Finnish leadership was cautious about developing bilateral relations, as it considered it necessary to strike a balance between Germany and the Western powers. The brotherhood of arms was therefore not allowed to become too close.
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Dobrogea Nouă, Dobrogea de Sud or Cadrilater, these are the names under which the southern part of the territory between the Danube and the Black Sea was known, an area that has been, for centuries, at the crossroads of trade routes and the interests of neighboring powers. The province was characterized as an"appendage of Asia, transplanted to Southeast Europe, which opened the steppe gate, as described by AlbertoBasciani (Basciani 2001)As noted by historian Cătălin Negoiță (Cătălin Negoiță 2008) from my student days, precisely because of the extremely fragmented information I had. The moment of the incorporation of this territory into the Romanian state was almost overlooked as if our historians were embarrassed to mention this episode. Even the Balkan wars were not treated extensively before 1989, so the history textbooks were content to record succinctly: the name of Quadrilater became part of the Romanian state». Even more concise was the information about the loss of the province: "Following the signing, on September 7, 1940, of the Treaty of Craiova, Romania ceded to Bulgaria southern Dobrogea, known as the Quadrilater. "All the more so, as if the historians were in a hurry to conclude a subject that did not honor Romania".
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From a theoretical point of view, for many decades the discipline of International Relations was dominated by the triad of realism, which remained the overwhelmingly dominant theoretical approach. It was not until 1980 that other political approaches began to gain some momentum. International relations is one of the last areas to accept feminism. This has contributed greatly to its use in almost all areas of research. Compared to other disciplines, the feminist aspect in international relations appeared much later. Feminism is a series of movements aimed at defending equal opportunities for women in the different areas of politics, social rights and other aspects of society. Feminist approaches to international relations became widespread in the late 20th century, and these approaches called for women’s experiences to be ignored from studies of international relations theory. Feminists who study international relations have argued that gender issues apply to international relations. Women succeed through their ambition, diplomacy and oratory to excel in the leadership area, which is the main premise for women to lead fully, dynamically but also in an original way. Throughout history, women have gone through several stages that have finally brought her to the position where the male elite give respect, love and attention to women throughout society. This paper fully demonstrates the vitality and continued viability of feminist projects in a variety of forms and contexts, assesses the challenges facing feminism and strongly advocates its continued relevance to contemporary global politics. The main objective of this paper is to present the importance of feminism today and its role as a paradigm in international relations.
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The Armenian presence in the Middle East dates back to ancient times, with the ancestral homeland of Western Armenia being located today in the eastern regions of the Republic of Turkey. While the Armenians are indigenous in some parts of the Middle East, in other parts, they have formed diaspora communities due to a variety of historical circumstances. “Since history has no secret pockets and private laws, things Armenian are also things Near Eastern”, writes Seda Dadoyan, a leading scholar of the history of Armenian-Islamic relations. From the first century of the Christian era, there has been an Armenian presence in Jerusalem, when they came to Palestine as Roman legionnaires and administrators. There is a long and extensive history of “Armenian-Islamic realpolitik with Arabs, Turks, Persians, Kurds as well as heterodox Islam (such as Ismailism)”, according to Dadoyan. Medieval Arab sources provide extensive accounts of Armenians in the Middle East. Indeed, “Arminyah and al arman were presented [in the Arab sources] as indigenous elements of the Near East and the narrative did not single them out from the regional texture”, explains Dadoyan. Since the seventh century, Armenians “have been part of the Islamic world”, and part of what is now the Middle East and its peoples. In the late eighth century, heterodox Armenians allied with “the Muslims on the Abbasid frontiers lands”. More significantly, medieval Armenian histories put the origin of all treaties regulating Islamic-Armenian relations in the Medinan period of Islam (622-632) and see them through a “so-called ‘Prophet’s Oath to Armenians’ (allegedly given to an Armenian delegation from Jerusalem to Medianh)”.
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The practice, connected to the transferring of relics, imported to the Bulgarian tradition from Byzantium, can be treated as a part of Bulgarian rulers’ “Empire idea”, which has changed at the beginning of 13th century. The formation of an independent pantheon of saints helps to successfully Trinova’s competition with Constantinople and striving for the Bulgarian capital to become “Third Rome”. After the conquest of Constantinople by the Latins in 1204, Bulgarian empire has claimed to be new Christian centre in the Balkans. The construction of its own pantheon of saints’ relics is a necessity for realization of the Bulgarian tsar’s imperial claims. The creation and following of this tradition led its beginning of the military actions and become a part of the ideological platform of the Bulgarian tsars.
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Paroria Anachorets’ work regards everything happening in Bulgarian and Byzantine societies in the notable and troubled 14th century. Its eventful dynamics is full of councils, civil wars, Ottoman conqueror’s invasion from the East and from the West. This is the time when Bulgaria was ruled by Tzar Yоan Alexander (1331 – 1371), end Byzantine by Emperors Andronicus III (1328 – 1341) and his son Yoan (John) V Palaeologus. This century is full of conflicts and dramatic events making decisions on Byzantine, Bulgaria and Serbia Orthodox Balkan peoples’ fate. Monastery’s Laura is directly connected to Slavic and Byzantine Hesychasm’s and Hesychast monks of Kefalarevo Scriptorium’s literary works’ chronology. Scriptorium being found in 1350 by Bulgarian monk Theodosius of Tarnovo disciple of Byzantine hermit Gregory the Sinaite. Bulgaria’s Tzar Yоan Alexander was a protection of Paroria monastery. The Tzar gave them support and protected them from pillaging.
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The Soviet Union is one of the old political forces that coerced or voluntarily held together ethnic or religious origins. It is a power that has left a very deep history in its past. The bipolar system in the world came to an end after the Cold War. After this situation, ethnic conflicts increased and spread to the Soviet Union in the 1980s and caused great repercussions in the world (Aslanlı, 2013). Conflicts occurring in the world have been a threat to security. These conflicts resulted in disintegration and in the early 1990s, the USSR was replaced by 15 new independent republics at the end of 1991 (İbadov, 2007).
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The aim of study is to analyze the İsmet İnönü era in Turkey during his tenure while concentrating on the challenges and shortcomings of democracy. The study will focus on various dimensions, including political restrictions, limitations on freedom of expression, one-party rule, electoral systems, socio-cultural factors as well as economic policies in order to offer a detailed examination of the complex dynamics which shaped the democratic landscape of Turkey of the time. Studying the mentioned dimensions is expected to uncover the factors which led to the inadequacy of democracy during the İnönü era and eventually to evaluate their implications for Turkey's democratic development, which on the one hand encompasses the succession from Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the Republican People's Party's (CHP) dominant role and on the other hand emphasizes the consolidation of power and the challenges to political representation. Particularly, the analysis of electoral practices can provide insights into the limitations of democratic processes, such as restrictive laws, voter intimidation, and limited political pluralism. Moreover, the study will examine the impact of these challenges on democratic decision-making which would include but not limited to the centralization of power, the marginalization of opposition voices and their meanings for citizen participation. The study will also try to evaluate the restrictions on freedom of speech and the media landscape, discussing the limitations imposed on critical voices, media control, and its consequences on public discourse and democratic participation. In addition to these, the study is expected to assess the socio-cultural dynamics which would focus on İnönü's modernization policies and their impact on social transformation. The study will explore the tensions between traditional values and cultural constraints, too. This will be carried out by highlighting the challenges faced by less represented groups and the inclusiveness of the political system. The economic policies of the İnönü era, including the economic vision and development strategies will be scrutinized, with particular attention given to the socio-economic disparities and their effects on democratic participation as well as political power dynamics. Furthermore, the study will attempt to examine the international relations and foreign policy approach of İsmet İnönü. This examination will be through the consideration of the implications for democracy and Turkey's international standing. The influence of external factors on democracy in Turkey during the mentioned timeline will also be assessed. Finally, the study will be concluded with the evaluation of the legacy of the İnönü’s era, weighing the democratic gains and losses while drawing lessons for Turkey's democratic development and considering the implications for the post-İnönü era. This comprehensive analysis is expected to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the İsmet İnönü era's impact on democracy in Turkey which could highlight the complexities and challenges faced during his tenure. The critical examination of the various dimensions, the study will provide valuable insights for scholars, policymakers as well as for any expert who is interested in Turkey's democratic history and in the ongoing democratic journey.
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Ever since Tito’s death in 1980, the socialist Yugoslavia was going through difficult political, economic, and social temptations, involving ample domestic and international actors, along with the accompanying consequences of the era change of on a global level. The Yugoslav state crisis should be observed in a broader context which will provide a more complete answer. The remaining two fundamental pillars of the Yugoslav federation – Yugoslav Communist Party (SKJ) and Yugoslav National Army (JNA) ‒ were undermined in early 90’. The then republics’ elites, guided by partial interests, mutually confronted to one another, were not ready to adequately face the challenges of democratization that captured the Eastern euripi following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The Yugoslav republics took numerous legal steps towards strengthening their own sovereignty. The crisis culminated in 1991 with the separation of Slovenia and Croatia from Yugoslavia, and the armed conflicts that followed. Confronted with the new legal and political surrounding, Bosnia and Herzegovina also began with the revival of its independence. This path proved to be extremely difficult and challenging, mainly due to the revived great-Serbian and great-Croatian attempts to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly expressed in 1991 during the negotiations between Slobodan Milošević, president of Serbia, and Franjo Tuđman, president of Croatia. In early days, these plans, with a strong support of regime affiliated media from Belgrade and Zagreb, manifested in form of numerous obstructions in the operation of the highest authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, promotion of a thesis that Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot survive as an independent political entity, establishment of illegal Serb communities of municipalities and regions, and then Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croat ones in form of regional communities, whereby the most significant one was Herzeg Bosnia. In such complex circumstances, and in line with the recommendations of the Badinter’s Commission, referendum on independence was organized in 1992, when the citizens firmly voted in favor of independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. European Community recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina on 6th of April, while the USA did it on the following day. In conditions of aggression and four year long war destruction, a new chapter in legal and state development of Bosnia and Herzegovina began.
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The defence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the defence of Sarajevo, was based on political and patriotic awareness of its citizens, who were genuinely committed to preservation of Bosnia and Herzegovina specific political and statehood being, as a community of equal citizens and peoples. Based on assessment of a big relevance of Sarajevo for the survival of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the aggressor has thoroughly planned, prepared, and utilised large military forces to conquer the city and establish there its occupational authority. They wanted Sarajevo to be only a Serb capital of the so-called “Republic of Serb Bosnia and Herzegovina”. The combat activities carried out by the 1st Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina were organised in a very complex strategic, operational, and tactical conditions, under the conditions of besieged free territories in which the units and the commands of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina operated, including the conditions of specific military siege of a major part of the 1st Corps in the city of Sarajevo. Strategic and operational-tactical positions of the aggressor’s forces were rather favourable for them, given that they controlled main roads that were connecting Bosnia and Herzegovina battlefield with the sources of mobilization into the aggressor’s army with soldiers and material means in the so called Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), and the countries that supported aggressor. The extent of human losses, during and after every war, turned into a big political, historic, and moral and ethical issue. Pursuant to the character of response of the warring parties and their allies to the question of the extent of human losses, it is possible to identify the character of policy that served as a basis for war engagement and support to any of the warring parties. In general, the factors on the side of the warring party that waged the righteous war strive to present truthfully the number of victims, whereas the factors on the side of the warring party that waged unfair war strive to fake the number of victims and adapt it to the character of its unfair political views related to the causes and consequences of the war. Given the fact that the international community with its embargo harmed the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina defence forces, which operated on the grounds of fair policy and righteous war, we arrive at a conclusion that the embargo was unfair, in favour of unfair aggressor’s policy, criminal and genocidal war practice.
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Introductory remarks by: - Prof. Ph.D. Rifat Škrijelj, rector of the University of Sarajevo - Prof. Ph.D. Dženeta Omerdić, Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Office of Dr. Denis Bećirević) - Prof. Ph.D. Denis Zvizdić, Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Ph.D. Pavle Krstić, Minister (Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Youth of Sarajevo Canton) - Ph.D. Husein-ef. Kavazovića, reisul-ulema (Islamic community in Bosnia and Herzegovina) - Academician, prof. Ph.D. Mirko Pejanović (President of the Scientific Committee of the Conference of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina) - Ćamil Duraković (Vice President of the RS entity) - Prof. Ph.D. Rasim Muratović, Director of the Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, University of Sarajevo - Ph.D. Sc. Sedad Bešlija, director of the Institute of History
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With the outbreak of the war and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy Bosnia and Hercegovina became a centre of “national concentration” and the newly proclaimed state. The government of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was taken over by the Serbian political elite which ascribed to Bosnia and Hercegovina the role of a unified area which would prevent the creation of any kind of Croatian state while strengthening the newly created state and the Serbian dominance within it. The new government established its authority through terror and violence directed against the non-Serbian peoples. It attempted to undermine every political action or publicly expressed demand of the Croats for a federal unit, or an independent state. Mu-slims saw their land confiscated through the Agrarian Reform, which while in part brought to an end feudal relations and corrected historical injustices, also materially ruined numerous families. In harmony with Serbian political tradition the Constitution and other agreements merely acted as “manifestations” to appease “European public opinion.” The interests of other (non-Serbian) peoples were treated as illegitimate or anti-state activities: nationalism and separatism. Various repressive measures were directed at individuals deemed to be the carriers of these interests. Territories in the new state toward which the government lacked sympathy for national or political reasons and which did not figure into particular plans for unitarism were systematically destroyed and neglected. The key argument for unitarism and centralization was a call to the rights and “decisiveness” of the Serbian people, which was intermixed among the others to bring them to “belong to Serbia.” In this spirit the Vidovdan Constitution was brought into being which eliminated historical rights and historical lands, and created the basis for further unitarism and centralization of the state, but likewise strong reasons for dissatisfaction and resistance. States are determined by the nature of their formation. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes came into existence due to historical circumstances as an intellectual creation and not the result of national development. Primarily, violence was used to impose “unity” and centralized government.
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Nobility from the territory of modern Slavonia played a significant role in wars against the Ottomans. As this essay will show, much of their activity was related to Banate of Jajce. Slavonian nobles, with their military units, fought in this area as well as occupied important offices related to the defence of Banate. Thus Franjo Berislavić Grabarski is referred to as Ban of Jajce in 1494 and 1499-1503, while his cousin Ivan held the same office 1511-1513. Another form of contribution to the defence of Jajce by Slavonian nobles was the fortification of towns and building of roads, as well as financial support to the expenses of wars and resistance to the Ottoman attack. This essay also draws the attention to other ways in which Slavonia participated in raising funds for the defence of Bosnia. For instance, around the turn of the sixteenth century bans of Jajce had the income of the abbey in Bijela at their disposal.
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The Blagaj castle is situated near the mouth of the River Japra into the River Sana, close to the most important medieval road through the valley of the River Una and leading from the Eastern Adriatic coast to the Pannonian basin. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the castle of Blagaj was the residence of Counts of Blagaj, the descendants of the earlier Babonić counts. While the collapse of the medieval Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463 foreshadowed Ottoman raids into the Sana valley, it was the foundation of Banate of Jajce that put an end to Ottoman raids for a couple of decades. Nevertheless, historical documents sporadically indicate constant threat of Ottoman raids around the turn of the sixteenth century. This is even more clearly depicted by the remains of the castle of Blagaj that show abundant construction work conducted during the anti-Ottoman defensive wars. In this essay, the author contextualizes the known information about the Ottoman attacks in the Sana valley and the importance and the role of the Blagaj castle in the anti-Ottoman defence system of the castles. Although these buildings are today in poor condition, the ruins of the Blagaj castle indicate a major extension of the castle’s fortification system built after 1503, and the beginning of the deconstruction of the defensive system of Banate of Jajce. A special attention is given to the establishnig of the final Christian (i.e. Croatian) desertion of the Blagaj castle during the 1540s.
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