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The topic of this article is Andrychów’s history after World War II. The time--frame includes the events from 1945 (the city’s liberation by the Red Army and thecreation of the communist system in Andrychów) to 1950 (the beginnings of theSix-Year Plan). The purpose of the article is to present the postwar history of Andrychów regarding the city’s political and social history over the examined period.The article was divided into two parts.In the first part – Political life – I presented the politcal situation in the city afterits liberation in January 1945. The Polish Worker’s Party (Polska Partia Robotnicza,PPR) was active in 1944 in Andrychów. Thanks to the fact that the German armywas driven out of Andrychów by the Red Army, the Polish Worker’s Party couldbegin its activity. The political situation had an influence over the politics of the Andrychów’s authorities. In 1946 was hold a referendum „Three Time Yes referendum”in Andrychów. At the beginning of the year 1948, the most important parties in thecity – the Polish Socialist Party (Polska Partia Socjalistyczna, PPS) and the PPR strived for unification. Andrychów’s authorities were fighting with the anti-communistresistance. The inhabitants, however, were also affected by the repressions.In the second part – Social life – I described the most important social problems of Andrychów’s inhabitants after the war. As the social life is concerned, thecommunist authorities were well-disposed towards certain pursuits of Andrychów’sinhabitants. In 1948, a radio network was installed in the city. In 1949, the authoritiestried to establish a seondary school.
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During the military administration, five Hungarian colonies, three with Lippovans and one with German miners were founded in Bukovina. During the Galician administration in Bukovina, another several German colonies were founded. In the mountains of south-western Bukovina, five colonies were formed with German miners, mostly Lutherans, originally from Zips County and Transylvania. In four colonies were established German Catholic glassmakers, originally from Bohemia. The most numerous were the colonies founded by German peasants. In 1787-1789, Swabian peasants settled in nine villages in southern Bukovina, inhabited by Romanians. At the beginning of the 19th century, around 1930, five other colonies with German Catholic peasants were founded, and Slovak immigrants founded three colonies near Cacica. All the colonies were founded in the central and southern part of Bukovina, where the majority of the inhabitants were Romanians. In 1850, Bukovina had 380,826 inhabitants, including 25,592 (6.7%) Germans,5,586 (1.5%) Hungarians, 2,300 (0.6%) Lippovans, 1,844 (0.5%) Slovaks. In the first decades of Russian rule, the Bugeac region was heavily colonized with Balkan immigrants (Bulgarians, Gagauz people, initially also many Romanians),Germans, Russian peasants and Ukrainians. In 1819, Transdanubian immigrants obtained the status of settlers, as they were living at that time in 57 colonies. During1814–1816, 12 German colonies were established in the central part of Bugeac region, arriving from the Duchy of Warsaw. By 1842, 24 German colonies were founded in southern Bessarabia, 23 of them being inhabited by Lutherans and one by Catholics. After the end of the Russo-Turkish War of 1828–1829, a new wave of immigration to southern Bessarabia occurred. During 1828, Russian and Ukrainian peasants from several Russian gubernias arrived in southern Bessarabia and founded 18 new villages in Bugeac. In 1830-1831, 22 new immigrant colonies were established south of the Danube. In the mid-19th century, only in three counties in southern Bessarabia lived about 82,000 Bulgarians and Gagauz people, approx. 53,000 Ukrainians, about31 thousand Russians (including Lippovans), and approx. 24 thousand Germans.
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The article contains the analysis of Church history in the historical texts of Wincenty Zakrzewski (1844–1918). In his considerations, the historian of the sixteenth century places a heavy focus on the role of Polish clergy in the Polish past. The field of his scientific interests also concerns the relations between Poland and the Holy See. The views of Wincenty Zakrzewski are presented against the background of contemporary historical thought.
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The article illustrates the importance of business diplomacy practised by free agents, who navigated and negotiated between northern European empires for widespread commercial, legal and administrative developments. Abraham Cabiljau’s career is an example from the early modern Swedish empire, which stands on the threshold of a new era. In the Swedish empire, Cabiljau was involved in several different sectors, from military recruitment to the development of state accounting and administration of international trade. He represents the Swedish empire’s vast economic relationships with international merchant networks operating in a broad spectrum of military and commercial arenas. The Swedish empire was economically dependent on the financial resources of the merchants in Amsterdam, and economic prosperity was not the sole contribution of these merchants. The education, knowledge and connections provided by Cabiljau greatly enhanced the administration and organisation of Sweden’s international trade by importing a new legal mindset and organisational culture. In return, northern mining resources and Baltic commerce were alluring for Dutch merchants. We argue that the modelling of international organisations was an essential part of Swedish economic development. However, the first Swedish trading companies remained an experimental attempt to transplant the Dutch East India Company (VOC) model to Sweden. Individuals like Cabiljau represent key actors who ignited, taught and promoted commercial law development in Sweden, on which international commerce was later built upon, with long-lasting impacts.
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In the period immediately following the annexation of Bukovina, the Austrian authorities showed a special interest in finding solutions in order to stop salt imports from Turkish Moldova. As a result, the Lemberg administration ordered the sending, in the autumn of 1783, of a team with a geology specialist in order to identify all the sources of salt in the Bukovina area. The expedition was led by aulic commissioner Johann Thaddäus Peithner of Lichtenfels, who reported on his findings in the field, accompanied by a detailed table of salt springs in Bukovina, which were chemically analyzed using three methods: the Tyrolean hydrostatic balance, with the medical balance and by the fire test, thus determining exactly the salt concentration for each salt water source in Bucovina. Peithner reviews the springs of salt water from Vijnița, Berhomet, Banilova, Crasna, Vicovul de Jos, Stulpicani, Putilova and the monasteries of Sucevița, Solca and Brodești. For each locality, the number of salt water springs, their distance from the localities to which they belong, the condition of the roads leading to these springs, the information about the condition of these springs or salt water wells, the salt content of these sources are shown, salt quality, but also information on the nature of the mountains and the surrounding soil. The journal and the attached table are considered by the author as constituting a first scientific paper on the history of determining the sources of salt water in Bucovina. Based on D. Cantemir’s statements about the Moldovan salt, the author of the study makes processing, often extensive, for comparative purposes, from reports or writings of personalities who had a special role in the administration of the province, describing it and making it known to the authorities, as in the case of General Gabriel Splény of Miháldy (1775) and Major of Mieg, or from the Moldavian boyar Vasile Balș (1780) or from the works of specialists such as E. P. Fichtel (1780), Balthasar Hacquet (1789) and Karl Denarowski (1880) and reaches the decree of Emperor Frantz II, of August 17, 1798, which prohibits the import of salt into Bucovina, from which date the province can be considered independent in terms of providing the necessary salt for its inhabitants.
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In this article we present the evolution of political life in Bukovina, in the first years of parliamentary life in the Duchy. We analyze the main events and major objectives of the parliamentary sessions of this period, the activity of the Bukovina deputies and the organization and functioning of the Austrian political system in Bukovina. In this part of the study three are the most important events for the political evolution of the duchy: the national celebration in Putna, the establishment of the University of Chernivtsi and the process of young students from the „Arboroasa” Society.
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In the last session of the Chamber of Deputies of the Austrian Parliament (1917–1918), George Grigorovici gave three speeches, namely: on July 12, 1917 (when the issue of refugee assistance was debated), on November 9, 1917 (when on the agenda the “Polish question” was added) and on October 22, 1918 (when several questions were addressed regarding the situation created by the dissolution of the state link between Austria and Hungary). We publish in this issue of the magazine the translation of George Grigorovici’s last speech, accompanied by some of our comments on the complex identity and nuanced attitudes of this Social Democrat MP.
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There are reviewed the latest books and/or magazines related to the history and culture of Bukovina: Constantin Ungureanu, Populația Bucovinei și Basarabiei sub stăpâniri străine (1774/1812–1918), Suceava, Editura „Karl A. Romstorfer”, 2020, 575 p. + 12 hărți./ Helena Krasowska, Magdalena Pokrzyńska, Ewa Wróblewska-Trochimiuk (ed.), Bukowina: Wspólne dziedzictwo kulturowe i językowe, Instytut Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii, Nauk Muzeum Etnograficzne w Zielonej Górze, Ochli – Regionalne Centrum Kultury – Fabryka Emocji w Pile, Fundacja Slawistyczna, Warszawa – Zielona Góra, Piła, 2020, 383 p./ Mihai Iacobescu, Însemnări despre oameni și cărți, Iași, Editura Junimea, 2020, 242 p. + 4 p./ Dragoș Olaru, Mesaje din trecut (istoria ca lumină, spreanță și leac). Articole. Studii. Memorii, Cernăuți, Editura Druk Art, 2020, 590 p./ Conferința științifică internațională „Minorități naționale inventate. Moldovenismul: politici, cauze, efecte”, Cernăuți, Rodovid, 2019, 304 p./ Bibliografia românească de etnografie și folclor (2001–2010), Partea a II-a, coordonator: Rodica Raliade; colectiv de autori: Carmen Bulete, Mariana Ciuciu, Adelina Dogaru, Armand Guță, Rodica Raliade, Ionuț Semuc, Elena Șulea, București, Editura Academiei Române, 2020, 406 p./ Traian Gherman, Meteorologie populară. Observări, credințe și obiceiuri, ediția a II-a, București, Editura Paideia, 2020, 242 p./ „«Mesager bucovinean». Revistă de cultură pentru bucovinenii de pretutindeni”, Cernăuți – București – Rădăuți – Chișinău, anul XVII (serie nouă), nr. 3–4 (67–68), 2020, 128 p./
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The article presents the life and work of Major-General Eduard Fischer, commander of the Bukovinian Gendarmerie during World War I. After the end of the war, he wrote several papers and a book on the events in Bukovina in 1914–1918. This article presents the professional training, scientific concerns and actions in which Eduard Fischer has been involved throughout his life. This research was conducted as an introductory study to the Romanian version of Fischer's book "War Without an Army. My fight to defend Bukovina against the Russians".
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This article attempts to present the attitudes of Warsaw workers between 1955 and 1957 and the functioning of party organisations in the industry during crisis time. The source base for the study, apart from the literature on the subject, was the archival material of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR) of various levels, from factory units to voivodeship ones, mainly of ten large Warsaw factories (kept in the State Archives in Warsaw, branch at Milanówek). The subject of research was the behaviour and opinions of workers and the functioning of basic party cells and their evolution in the wake of the most important political events. The analysis also focused on the factors shaping the situation in Warsaw factories, the main stages of the crisis and the post-October ‘normalisation’ of workplace party cells, and the main models of attitudes of their members. The bottom-up perspective also made it possible to formulate conclusions about the sources of the crisis inside the PZPR, the course of factional fights, and the post-October PZPR leadership policy.
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The paper discusses the social and political situation in the Katowice Voivodeship in December 1970 after the announcement of the increase in food prices, prevention and order activities undertaken by the Citizens’ Militia (MO) and the security apparatus during the crisis and the reaction of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR) to the growing agitation of society. Despite mounting tension, reinforced by the news of workers’ revolt in the cities of the Coast, the police forces effectively paralysed weak attempts to stir up strikes and demonstrations in the Katowice Voivodeship. Political changes in the PZPR leadership prevented the crisis from escalating. The attitudes of the region’s inhabitants were also influenced by: the strong position of the PZPR, the preventive arrest of nearly a thousand potential leaders of protests and riots, relatively good living conditions in the Katowice Voivodeship, and the divergent interests of various groups of the province’s population.
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The paper discusses the transfer of refugees – citizens of the Second Polish Republic – carried out by the Third Reich and the USSR in the spring of 1940. It presents the circumstances of the German-Soviet pact (in the context of population transfers arranged by both sides, including Germany’s recovery of Volksdeutsche from the former Polish Eastern Borderlands at the turn of 1939/1940), the process of transferring the refugees, and the statistics. The aim of the paper is to verify and supplement the body of knowledge on this issue compiled thus far.
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The paper discusses the relations between directors of enterprises and supervising provincial committees of the Polish United Workers’ Party in the years 1971–1974. The issue in question is studied on the basis of documents from four provincial committees of the Polish United Workers’ Party (Katowickie Province, Warszawskie Province, Lubelskie Province, and the City of Warsaw). Using the agency theory, the authors distinguish the main problems and costs arising in the relations between secretaries of provincial committees and directors in the context of the principal–agent relationship. The analysis of the assembled source material allows the authors to define the methods used by the directors when explaining difficulties in implementing investment projects. Among these are manipulating data, covert operations, and actions aimed at giving themselves credibility. The authors conclude that the directors took great pains to present themselves as fully committed to meeting the goals in their assigned projects and production plans. The increase of investment projects developed in the discussed period led to intensification of such strategies on the part of enterprise directors.
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The article present reflections on the book Politycy czy klakierzy? Żydzi w krakowskiej radzie miejskiej w XIX wieku (Kraków, 2019) by Hanna Kozińska-Witt. The author of the publication sought to verify the thesis according to which the activity of Jewish councillors in Kraków was not proportionate to their number. For this purpose, she used the theory of arenas developed by Dietlind Hüchtker. The book consist of introduction, four chapters, and an excursus. Hanna Kozińska-Witt’s book is a valuable source of information. In comparison to earlier publications on the participation of Jews in Kraków’s municipal council, it tackles a broader set of issues and offers fresh research outcomes. However, the construction and overall methodological aspect of the book is lacking.
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The article is a critical analysis of data collected during anthropological fieldwork in the Albanian city of Berat, where one of the world’s largest political slogans is located. The inscription “ENVER” on Shpirag mountain was created in 1968 as a birthday present for the leader of the Albanian regime Enver Hoxha. For almost thirty years, this inscription dominated the city, being visible from a distance of many kilometers. After the political transformation in 1991, the new Albanian government planned to destroy the slogan as a remnant of the cult of personality. However, despite the help of the army and the use of explosives, the inscription could not be removed. The giant slogan from Berat is a phenomenon on a global scale: its history, as well as its meanings, created a unique narrative about Albanian politics and culture. For over three decades, the inscription has become an element of the local aesthetic and social landscape. In 2012 the Albanian artist made a subversive act of capturing the old propaganda slogan: as a consequence, the original inscription “ENVER” was replaced with a new one: “NEVER.” Anthropological fieldwork and art-based research focused on the slogan, encouraged participants to express ideas, insights, views, and experiences. The data collected during the research are very varied. Many of them consist of superficial judgments, gossips, presumptions, and stereotypical clichés. They are also accompanied by much deeper expressions, articulating the palimpsest memory of women and men living in the shadow of ENVER/NEVER.
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This article analyses the Latvian reading public’s perceptions of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 based on an examination of a heretofore untapped source of information in the field of Korean studies: Latvian-language newspapers. The information and analysis of the events which appeared in Latvian press can be regarded as Latvian reflection of the situation in Korea and East Asia before WWI.
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Review of: Vasile Alecsandri, Opere. Poezii. Vol. I, II, București, Academia Română, Fundația Națională pentru Știință și Artă, 2019, 2388 p. (Colecția „Opere fundamentale”).
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The aim of this paper is to present and discuss the 1946 electoral campaign in Soviet occupied Romania as reflected in the editorials signed by literary critic George Călinescu, director of the newspaper „Națiunea” (The Nation). We focus on the political editorials and follow his growing devotion to the communist cause that took place between March and November 1946. Starting as a distant sympathizer in March, he will become by the time of the November elections a loyal ally and gain a seat in the Parliament as a reward for his effort.
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This article deals with the perception of historical memory and national identity in the era of posterity, as well as their impact on the formation of Russian national unity; determines the role of the latter in the emergence of a new identity of the Russian nation. The initial methodological position for this study is the idea that, even in post-truth conditions, historical memory and national identity retain their true value. The authors use polls of the Russian Public Opinion Research Center. The survey method is a telephone interview. According to the polls, 92% believe that it is important to know the history of Russia, while at the same time, only 42% know it well. The results of the study can be used in various state programs, which are based on historical memory and aimed at the development of Russian national identity.
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