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Jakie było Węgorzewo i kim byli węgorzewiacy w pierwszej dekadzie powojnia? „Karta” podjęła już temat (nr 87/2016). Chciałbym dorzucić jeszcze jedną perspektywę, inną w sposobie narracji i interpretacji źródeł.
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This article attempts to elucidate the motivation, mentality, and attitudes of some of the young intellectuals, philosophers, writers, and political theorists who at first uncritically accepted Stalinist Communism, but in the course of the 1960s arrived at its critical re-evaluation. Their political convictions had changed, and these young people became involved in the cleansing process of the Prague Spring. At the same time, the author traces a change in their moral criteria, which took place especially after 1956. This article does not offer an analysis of their philosophical or artistic work, since that is subject to a different set of criteria. This contribution is methodically based on their personal testimonies about life guided by a dogma, which is confronted with their later views and values.
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Review of; JAKUB ŠLOUF, Spřízněni měnou. Genealogie plzeňské revolty 1. června 1953, Praha 2016, Filozofická fakulta Univerzity Karlovy, 382 s., ISBN 978-80-7308-585-8.
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Review of: LUCIE STORCHOVÁ (ed.), Koncepty a dějiny. Proměny pojmů v současné historické vědě, Dolní Břežany 2014, Scriptorium, 452 s., ISBN 978-80-87271-87-2.
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Review of: LUCIE STORCHOVÁ (ed.), Koncepty a dějiny. Proměny pojmů v současné historické vědě, Dolní Břežany 2014, Scriptorium, 452 s., ISBN 978-80-87271-87-2.
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This contribution is based on a comparative analysis of images of important turning points (symbolic centres) of Czech and Sudeten German history created in 1938–1945 by Czech and Sudeten German historiographies. Its aim is to describe the main strategies these historiographers used to refute or at least compensate the image or interpretation of a historical phenomenon as described by the ‘rival’ historiography. Based on a generalisation, this contribution off ers a classifi cation of typical strategies which were used to this purpose. It turns out that on this general level, and although the nationally conditioned content was diff erent, strategies used by the Czech and Sudeten German historiographies were identical. Th e analysis and generalisation are introduced by a theoretical introduction which off ers arguments for the still sadly neglected use of comparative and relational-historical approach to the history of Czech historiography.
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Review of: JIŘÍ PEŠEK, Setkáni s Klio. Studie z dějin dějepisectví, Praha 2014, Academia, 884 s., ISBN 978-80-200-2397-1.
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The article highlights biographical landmarks and activities that characterize the strength of the religious personality of the Greek-catholic bishop Ioan Vancea and emphazises elements regarding the exceptionally significant role that this cleric, insufficiently known and valued, had in a critical historical and religious context for Romanians from Transylvania (establishment of Austro-Hungarian dualism), when the courage and determination of the leaders, the organizational, discursive capacity and action mattered significantly for the defense of the rights of the compatriots. The goals and actions of the high prelate, both in the relationship with the authorities of the secular state and in the dialogue with the Vatican, are marked by the vocation of serving the nation and the church, having their foundations in the deep roots of his Romanian family, which instilled in him firm convictions materialized in turbulent political times where compromise and abandonment of identity by the politically and socially inferior were quite common.
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Teohar Mihadaș managed to survive the most terrible communist prisons (Gherla, Aiud, Canal), rightly nicknamed "the slaughterhouses of the Romanian elite?’’. For posterity, he remains the type of the anti-communist intellectual who refuses to collaborate with the odious regime, even if for this he sacrifices his youth and family life.
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The article presents the life and public activity of Marian Kiniorski. He studied at the University of Agriculture in Dublany, the University of Berlin and the School of Political Sciences in Paris (until 1899). He was a modern landowner, striving for the industrialization of property, the use of new agricultural techniques and agricultural progress. He belonged to a number of societies and landowners’ organizations (including the president of the Central Agricultural Society). At the same time, he was an active political activist associated with the National Democracy (a member of the National League, then the Board of the National People’s Union and the authorities of the National Party). A member of the Russian State Duma, then a senator of the Republic of Poland, participated in debates on the land reform. Active journalist, author of specialist articles on agricultural and social topics. In 1930 he withdrew from public life, focusing on the farm. He died in Warsaw.
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This article aims to show how time, or more precisely its two dimensions: past and future, functions in political discourse. The example to be analyzed will be the early Meiji period (1868–1912) in Japan when important political and systemic changes occurred. The starting point shows the ideological significance of time, which had a function in Japanese politics of the Meiji era to legitimize the transformation. To structure the argument, the article is divided into two parts, in which we will show in turn how this process took place. The examples discussed will be the concept of ishin, which, on an ideological level, was to justify the change’s essence, and the content of the Meiji Constitution, where references to time had a crucial legitimizing function.
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During the campaign of 1814 the French army was supported by the „free corps”, a unit that carried out irregular operations. A proposal to form a similar unit to supplement the Polish army was presented to the chief of staff of the Great Army by Stanisław Żarski, the chef de battalion from the Duchy of Warsaw’s army. The Polish „free corps” was to include soldiers of Polish descent that were currently held in prisoner of war camps in France. The details of Żarski’s proposal combined elements characteristic of both the Polish and French military.During the campaign of 1814, the French army was supported by 6,500 Polish soldiers. Due to the distance from the Duchy of Warsaw, Polish troops were later supplemented by prisoners of war of Polish origin who had previously served in the armies of the anti-French coalition. At the end of February, the chef de battalion Stanisław Żarski presented Marshal Louise-Alexandre Berthier with a proposal concerning the formation of a Polish „free corps” (le corps franc), which was to consist of Polish prisoners whose role was to conduct irregular warfare against coalition troops. The project combined French tactics (conducting „small wars”) with the rewards that were offered to soldiers as a result of the Kościuszko Uprising (veterans were promised plots of arable land). The project is an interesting example of the development of Polish military thought.
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A considerable number of officers serving with the army during the Second Polish Republic partook in commercial transactions in order to increase their private wealth. However, when carrying out such projects they at times crossed the line between the accepted norms of civil and criminal law, as well as customarily accepted standards related to honor – which they sometimes exceeded. In such cases, they were brought to justice in court or were subjected to honorary proceedings. The paper discusses the two-stage system of the Officers’ Courts of Honor in the context of the criminal and civil cases concerning Lt. Józef Biernacki. The mechanisms behind the activities of these courts are presented, as well as the influence they had on shaping the officer cadre of the Polish Army.
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After the Swedish attack on Royal Prussia in July 1626, the authorities of the Duchy of Prussia, in connection with the accusations leveled against them in the Commonwealth for allowing Gustavus Adolf’s troops to pass through the territory of the Duchy and the obligation to provide military assistance to Sigismund III, sent Wolf von der Ölsnitz as an envoy to the Polish king. The envoy accompanied the monarch and the Crown army during the campaign against the Swedes in the second half of 1626 and was present during its most important event – the Battle of Gniew (September 22 – October 1). Ölsnitz regularly compiled diary entries, which he sent in parts to the Elector of Brandenburg, Jerzy Wilhelm, and to the Prussian councilors. Three fragments of the diary have been preserved (covering the period from 24 September to 2 November, 1626) and are currently held in the Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz in Berlin-Dahlem. These fragments are practically unknown and unused by historians. They contain a lot of new information that can complement the previous research concerning the first months of the socalled „War for the mouth of the Vistula”.
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Review of: Refleksje wokół serii Archiwum Uniwersytetu Jana Kazimierza we Lwowie pod redakcją Macieja Franza Maciej Franz, red., seria Archiwum Uniwersytetu Jana Kazimierza we Lwowie (t. 1–7), Wydawnictwo DiG, Warszawa 2021–2022.
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During the conquest of Gaul between 58–51 B.C., Gaius Julius Caesar tried to describe his relationship with the Aedui and the Sequani as friendly, presenting both peoples as staunch allies of the Roman Republic. In fact, as early as 58 B.C. an increase in anti-Roman sentiment could be observed, exacerbated by Caesar’s treatment of his allies as a source of military reinforcements and supplies for subsequent campaigns. This resulted in Aeduan and Sequanian territory actually being occupied by Roman forces. Both tribes used different strategies of resistance: from sabotaging Caesar’s orders and avoiding combat, to engaging in open confrontation. After 54 B.C. Dumnorix, one of the most influential Aedui, became a symbol of anti-Roman attitude. His death marks the symbolic deadline between sabotage and open resistance, culminating in the Aedui and the Sequani joining Vercingetorix’s revolt.
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During the first half of the nineteenth century, Cracow found itself under Russian military occupation three times: in 1809, when the city belonged to Austria, between 1813–1815, when it belonged to the Duchy of Warsaw, and in 1831, when it was the capital of the Free City of Cracow. Each period of Russian occupation had different aims and character. In 1809, the main (unrealised) goal was to prevent the Duchy of Warsaw from capturing the then Austrian city. The Russian offensive against the states of Napoleonic Europe, launched after Bonaparte’s defeat near Moscow in 1812, resulted in the second occupation between 1813–1815. In 1831, the city was occupied for a third time as punishment for the city’s strong support of the November Uprising. Each period of occupation resulted in economic perturbations and an increase in crime. For the occupying forces, the greatest threat turned out to be the mass morbidity of soldiers caused by venereal diseases attested to 1813–1815. The political importance of the three Russian occupations of Cracow was relatively minor. The cost of housing and maintaining the soldiers was considerable but did not deplete the city’s finances. The behaviour of the occupying forces, reprehensible in many cases, did not differ from the standards that prevailed during the first half of the nineteenth century.
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This article concerns the administration of captured territories by operational units of the Imperial-Royal Army in light of normative documents regarding the functioning of the Habsburg army. Although the term Besetzung – „occupy” does not appear in the regulations, the adopted solutions fully embraced its features. This text illustrates the structure of the higher commands of the Austro-Hungarian armed forces that were responsible for the administration and organization of the captured territories. The source material relied on normative documents: the Convention Concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land (4th Hague Convention of 1907) and the regulations in force in the Habsburg armed forces at the outbreak of the Great War. Archival materials produced by imperial-royal operational units that were active on the Eastern Front in 1914 supplement the evidence.
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During the First World War, Galicia was occupied by the Russians. The Russians announced the incorporation of the province into its Empire and carried out a program of Russification. As a result of a victorious offensive, the Central Powers liberated most of Galicia in the spring of 1915. However, in the liberated territories, the Austro-Hungarian military introduced a brutal regime, which actively sought out traitors and collaborators. Galicia’s autonomy was effectively abolished in June 1915 when the province was subordinated to the army. The unexpected scale of repression, especially from the Hungarian troops, contributed to the undermining of loyalty that the Polish inhabitants of Galicia had towards the Habsburg monarchy. According to the author, this situation allows the thesis to be put forward that between 1914–1918 the province was occupied twice from the perspective of the inhabitants of Galicia. On the example of the president of the court in Stanisławów, Artur Aulich (1850–1921), who stayed in the city during the Russian occupation and describes what type of behavior during the occupation was considered worthy of condemnation according to the Austrian authorities.
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This study is intended to map the state of morale in the Czechoslovak People’s Army in the last two decades of its existence. Using Jacques van Doorn’s methodological framework, the Author compares the general demands of the military profession with the reality of the Czechoslovak People’s Army. A significant finding is an overwhelming influence of military intervention in August 1968 on the subsequent morale of the army. Its members were no longer able to unite their interests within the organisation of the army.
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