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Modern times are characterized by the rediscovery of religion as a factor in human life. Many different forms of religiosity are updated, revive and thrive. This return to religion, however, not only has a positive effect. Modern religious reality is multifaceted and reveals both the best and the worst of human nature. New religious movements and their invasion and expansion are probably one of the most surprising events of the twentieth century and early twenty-first century and the third millennium. For the last three or four generations the new religious movements are deployed in multinational and global scale and have become significant cultural, social, religious and political factors. The paper makes analyses of contemporary challenges before the humanity from the point of view of the influence of regions and poses some significant questions to future sustainable development. The paper includes as a supplement “Common ground and differences of view between the Bretton Woods institutions (World Bank and IMF) and the World Council of Churches (WCC)” - translated in Bulgarian summary of the current situation of the discussions between the management of the Bretton Woods Institutions (BW Institutions) and the WCC facing what has been identified as a common basis and (in brackets) differences in viewpoints. The study reflects the "work in progress" in the ongoing dialogue between the three organizations. Central to the common ground is the clarification of common concern on the fight against poverty - an important task of the dialogue between institutions and BW-WCC is the need to increase the effectiveness of the efforts to reduce poverty.
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Odnos religije i etike predstavlja pitanje o kojem bismo mogli razgovarati na različitim problemsko-značenjskim ravnima i u različitim perspektivama. U svakom slučaju, pitanje odnosa religijskog i etičkog podrazumijeva zauzimanje nekog stava i prema religiji i prema etici, odnosno moralu. To zauzimanje stava i prema religiji i prema moralu dolazi, na primjer, na eklatantan način do riječi u dva poznata, recimo tako, negacijska mišljenja prema kojima je religija moral slabih i potlačenih koji im pomaže da podnesu povijesnu bijedu života, odnosno moral jakih pomoću kojeg ovi nad slabima provode svoju volju za moć.
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The Constitutional Tribunal, with its ruling dating December 10, 2014, ruled that the prohibition of ritual slaughter (which constitutes in killing a conscious animal through exsanguination) infringes on the constitutional freedom of religion. A few of the justices presented differing opinions, arguing that the prohibition is unconstitutional only with regard to the followers of Judaism and Islam. The author presents an economic analysis of the law, which is an academic discipline that studies the law with the help of the instruments of economy. On the basis of this investigation, the author analyzes the ruling by indicating the interested parties and their preferences, delineating alternative variants for the ruling and the consequences of each of the decisions for the addressees (Jews, Muslims, connoisseurs, importers and exporters, as well as animal rights activists). The analysis leads to the conclusion that that Constitutional Tribunal wrongly weighed freedom of religion against morality, since it should have only rule on the constitutionality of ritual slaughter only for the purposes of Polish Jews and Muslims.
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In the long history of the patriarchal culture of China, women were consistently stigmatized as naïve. What made this situation worse was the mentality that—“a woman who lacks talent is a virtuous woman”—a famous quote, which had became the standard to measure the qualities of a woman. This portrayal was quite permanent throughout the cultural history of China, as even today, this stereotype is still prominent in the poor, rural, and illiterate areas of China. This paper highlights in a chronological fashion the portrayal of the woman in the Chinese culture through sound, music, religion, and mythology.
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Romanian education system is in constant change, trying to distance itself from the communist approach to education, but also in fast integration with our contemporary new pedagogical methods. In the opinion of some observers especially careful on education, the changes that have occurred in the nearly 27 years since the fall communism in Romania has been too slow. Others believe that in these 27 years has made radical changes Romanian education. A kind of jumps from modern approaches to postmodern approaches, from traditional education methods in education, using innovative pedagogical methods almost most. Distance education has found its place in education specific legislation in 1995, but the first program of distance learning in higher education was launched in the academic year 1998–1999. In theology, the situation was even more different in that it was only in 2005 launched the first distance learning program in the field of theology. This article aims to evaluate and demonstrate that the distance education in theology is the only possible path of development, thus ensuring the future for training religious ministers in Romania.
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The role of religion and culture in socio-economic development can not be underestimated. Coupled with socio-economic advancement, the postcolonial and contemporary African society is characterised by unprecedented rise in the level of religious movements with diverse contradicting beliefs championed by so called spiritual and religious leaders. The overwhelming socio-economic downturn in the society has meant that people have turned to religion for solutions to their problem but the church has not really lived up to expectation which writer likeSoyinka portrayed in his text. Considering the above mentioned, this study textually analysed Wole Soyinka’s The Trials of Brother Jero from a postcolonial theoretical perspective with the aims of exploring religious dynamics vis-à-vis cultural /moral degradation as portrayed in the text. It further resonates the place of culture in the contemporary religious environment. Moral degradation is captured from the characters of brother Jero, the old prophet, Jeroboam and the drummer boy where lack of respect for elders, covetous exploitation by spiritual leaders, materialism, falsehood and deceit are exemplified in religious setting as depicted in the text.
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Recent developments in international human rights law have revealed that humanity is at great risk of instability and a likely effect of World War III, which may result from Terrorism; the world’s most challenging problem and the biggest threat to international peace and security. The world at large and Cameroon in particular, has suffered from great atrocities caused by terrorist groups. One of such groups is Boko Haram in the Northern part of Nigeria. In a similar vein as Nigeria, Kenya, Chad, United States of America, Belgium, France, Turkey, Britain, Germany and just to name a few, have also been affected by militant groups such as Alshabab, al-Qaeda and ISIS. The devastating effects now echo negatively on fundamental human rights and freedoms, most especially on religious freedom and migration-related issues. Cognizant of its impact and with the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 terrorist attack in the United States, several States, if not all, in an attempt to protect national security, have developed measures to fight against this outrageous act-terrorism. In an attempt to protect national security and curtail terrorism, states have gone beyond their obligations to take steps in line with their constitutional processes by intruding in some basic freedoms. What remains questionable is whether counter-terrorism laws adopted by states are applied for the purpose for which they are intended. The significance of this paper is to critically analyze and assess the impact of anti-terrorism measures on religious freedom (human rights) with Cameroon’s approach in a comparative perspective and the role of the church in peace building and policy making for a better world and development.
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The book studies the Ancient Egyptian religion. The author describes the creation and its driving forces through the view of Egyptian concepts. The idea of God and the divine manifestations, the place of man in the world and the ways to achieve immortality are explored. The exposition is based on the study of ancient hieroglyphic texts and is illustrated with numerous examples. The book is intended for a wide range of readers who are interested in the religion and culture of Ancient Egypt. It contains three chapters: the world of gods, the creation of the world and the world of men. Special attention is paid on the concept of the kingship in Ancient Egypt. The Egyptian terminology and the names of gods and goddesses are formed as a dictionary at the еnd of the book.
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This modern translation of all the surviving literary compositions ascribed to Liudprand, the bishop of Cremona from 962 to 972, offers unrivaled insight into society and culture in western Europe during the "iron century". Since Liudprand enjoyed the favor of the Saxon Roman emperor Otto the Great, and traveled to Constantinople more than once on official business, his narratives also reveal European attitudes toward the Byzantine Empire and the culture of its refined capital city. No other tenth-century writer had such privileged access to the high spheres of power, or such acerbic wit and willingness to articulate critiques of the doings of powerful people. Liudprand's historical texts (the Antapodosis on European events in the first half of the 900s, and his Historia Ottonison the rise to power of Otto the Great) provide a unique view of the recent past against a genuinely European backdrop, unusual in a time of localized cultural horizons. Liudprand's famous satirical description of his misadventures as Ottonian legate at the Byzantine court in 968 is a vital source of information on Byzantine ritual and diplomatic process, as well as a classic of medieval intercultural encounter. Readers interested in medieval European culture, the history of diplomacy, Italian and German medieval history, and the history of Byzantium will find this collection of translated texts rewarding. A full introduction and extensive notes help readers to place Liudprand's writings in context.
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Evliya Celebi was an enlightened man in a variety of ways who believed in equality, freedom of thought and intellectual debate, and found all of these things present in Islamic societies. Over the course of his travels, he wrote ten volumes detailing his adventures. ‘Seyahatname’ – Book of Travels – is a unique and important text, representing one of the few accounts of the 17th century and the Ottoman world from the perspective of a Muslim. These are not just factual accounts, Evliya had a great imagination and just as important as his journal entries were the imaginative storytelling that ran alongside, elaborating, exaggerating, and fantasizing. Through his stories, we are prompted to think more imaginatively about our own travels and journeys to other cities. This 17th-century Muslim traveler can sometimes seem narrow-minded and yet this same man can stand in St Stephens Cathedral in Vienna and be moved by the music he hears. Sometimes these encounters lead to nothing but sometimes they lead to stories which are so deeply felt, and so universally melodic that they leave echoes which can still be heard and felt today. In 2011, the year which would have been his 400th birthday, Evliya is being paid homage as UNESCO’s Man of the Year.
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This book represents a study of the textology, typology, sources and literary peculiarities of the so-called ’miscellanies of mixed content' in the South Slavonic tradition (from the end of 13th – the beginning of 18th c.) – less known or unknown in the Humanities. The problem is closely related to the apocryphal collections in the Balkan Cyrillic manuscripts, as the Apocrypha are a significant part of this type of manuscripts. The scope of the study is to popularize the series and texts that fill the gap in the translation and perception of the Slavonic Apocrypha. New information is presented over the sources of translations, as well as the compilation approach of Slavonic writers, which reproduces a new version of the texts. The copies of the Slavonic texts are published in the supplement. The typology of manuscripts is supported by plectograms produced in the Repertory of Old Bulgarian Literature and Letters (http://repertorium.obdurodon.org/).
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O tome kako je Srbija reagovala na izazov na početku Trećeg milenijuma napisano je već mnogo knjiga. Pred čitaocem je knjiga koja se u tom mnoštvu izdvaja po tome ko, kada i šta u njoj govori. Na talasima Radija Deutsche Welle, 149 intelektualaca, pretežno srpske nacionalnosti, ali i stranaca koji se Srbijom profesionalno bave, u 169 intervjua govore o stanju u Srbiji uglavnom posle 5. oktobra 2000. godine. Po definiciji kritičko, individualno mišljenje ekonomista, istoričara, lekara, diplomata, umetnika zaokružilo je zabrinjavajuću sliku celine. Govoreći nezavisno jedan od drugoga, sagovornici Radija Deutsche Welle otkrivaju realnost Srbije koja se bitno razlikuje od službene realnosti. Označavan kao mirna revolucija, kao novi početak za Srbiju, kao njena istorijska šansa da, uz nepodeljenu podršku Evropske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, prestane da gubi vreme, 5. oktobar 2000. godine, kada je uklonjen konsenzualni autokrata Slobodan Milošević, bio je višeznačan događaj. Probuđene su velike nade; stvorena nerealna, ali objašnjiva očekivanja; postignuto prividno jedinstvo intencija glavnih aktera. Ali, sam po sebi, 5. oktobar 2000. godine nije predstavljao bilans onoga što se u prethodnih 15 godina događalo, a još manje jasnu projekciju Srbije u budućnosti. Pokušaj koji je u tom pravcu učinio premijer Zoran Đinđić brutalno je zaustavljen njegovim ubistvom. Legalizam je bio novo ime za velikodržavni projekat devedesetih godina koji je Srbiju doveo do katastrofe, a srpsko nacionalno i državno pitanje u ćorsokak. Demontaža režima Slobodana Miloševića mogla je nastupiti samo kao posledica diskontinuiteta sa tom politikom. Diskontinuitet nije, međutim, moguć tako što će se reći ’’sada je prekretnica, ovim danom prestaje ono i počinje ovo, već tako što će se, prethodno, objasniti šta se to desilo u prethodnim godinama, i sa čim se to ne uspostavlja kontinuitet već se gradi novo društvo’’ (O. Milosavljević). Sagovornici Radija Deutsche Welle nepodeljeni su u uverenju da je glavno merilo kontinuiteta/diskontinuiteta odnos prema zločinima koji su počinjeni u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini i na Kosovu. Taj odnos su i sve demokratske zemlje u svetu postavile kao uslov da Srbija povrati izgubljeni državni kredibilitet. Posle isporučivanja Slobodana Miloševića Međunarodnom krivičnom sudu u Hagu, odnosno posle ubistva premijera Zorana Đinđića, došlo je do identifikovanja Srbije sa zločinom. To je produbilo sukob sa svetom i, samim tim, blokiralo unutrašnje promene: ’’Poricanje zločina jeste najveći problem i zbog toga što konzervira srbijansko društvo, a srbijansko društvo, zahvaljujući tom poricanju zločina, ostaje da živi u atmosferi u kojoj je sasvim normalno i, čak, poželjno ubiti nekoga zato što pripada drugoj etničkoj grupi.’’ Tako se ’’ne prekida sam ciklus nasilja’’ (M. Toma). Upravo u ovom postratnom razdoblju došlo je do grube netolerancije prema svim manjinama, do buđenja antisemitizma i klerofašizma. U glavama, rat još uvek traje: ’’Zvijer je tu ... zato što u ovoj savani ima još toliko hrane za nju’’(V. Krmpotić). Čime se ona hrani? Upravo zaokupljenošću istrošenim velikodržavnim projektom, državom kao mitskom a ne ljudskom tvorevinom, ksenofobijom, političkom kulturom koja se održava na proizvodnji neprijatelja. A za to vreme, Srbija nazaduje: sve je dalje od vladavine prava i ekonomskih sloboda. Srbija se okreće u sve užem krugu i sa sve manje mogućnosti izbora. Vladajuće strukture ’’mogu da se obogate samo dok su na vlasti ... kroz korupciju’’, i promene im nisu u interesu. U takvu zemlju teško dolaze investicije, i ona je osuđena na stagnaciju (M. Prokopijević). Produbljuje se jaz između Srbije i sveta (S. Popović). U svim istočnoevropskim zemljama postoje otpori promenama, ali u Srbiji ’’Vlada pokušava da vrati zemlju u samoizolaciju’’. Ne radi se samo o inerciji već o ideološkim opredeljenjima ’’koja su antizapadna i antievropska’’. Analitičari razmišljaju o tome šta može da se uradi da se ta ideologija promeni, ali se ne ustežu da postave pitanje: ’’Da li to uopšte može da se menja?’’ (J. Lyon) Formiran je mentalitet čije su karakteristike ’’veličanje negativnog’’, ’’emocionalno mrtvilo’’, odsustvo ’’dissenta (neslaganja), nema opozicije, pobune’’ (M. Ilić). Zemlju sve više karakteriše zatvaranje. Posledice su dvojake. Na unutrašnjem planu: etnička i politička homogenizacija, svaki politički protivnik je neprijatelj. Na spoljnom planu, Srbija postaje ekonomski i društveno inkompatibilna sa okruženjem koje se menja. (’’Srbija, još uvek, ima najvišu državnu potrošnju u Evropi - 55 procenata.’’ (M. Prokopijević)). Njene institucije se urušavaju: u Vojsci ginu regruti, i to ostaje bez objašnjenja. Crkva ne unosi u narod veru već politiku. I u njenom je dugoročnom interesu da podupre težnje ka pravdi, jer bez pravde nema oproštaja i pomirenja, nema mira. Država gubi kredibilitet jer odbija da ispuni svoje međunarodne obaveze. Šta u toj situaciji može pojedinac? Da dijagnosticira stanje u oblasti za koju je kompetentan. Bez toga nije moguć bilans neposredne prošlosti. U tom smislu, pojedinačni iskazi 149 intelektualaca na Radiju Deutsche Welle predstavljaju izraz nepristajanja na nazadovanje. Sabrani u ovoj knjizi, oni predstavljaju važno svedočanstvo koje obavezuje vladajuće strukture u Srbiji. Ne može se ignorisati stvarnost ako postoji politička volja da se ona menja i da se nazadovanje Srbije zaustavi.
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(ANOTHER SERBIA) Every Saturday for a period of two months, from the beginning of April till the end of June 1992, sessions organized by the Belgrade Circle were held at the Student Cultural Centre in Belgrade. At these sessions, ten in all, intellectuals, members of the Belgrade Circle and their quest – distinguished writers, scientists, artists, journalists, film and theatre directors, architects, actors, interpreters – expressed their own views of another, radically different Serbia. In times of anguish and affliction, the meetings, attended by a large assembly of listeners experiencing a kind of moral purification, were nonetheless imbued with a frail hope that there still might be a chance for a turn in events. With a desire to present ideas, opinions and sensations shared by the participants of the Belgrade Circle sessions to a much larger audience, the reading public, and to preserve them, because of their merit, in a more lasting form, discussions of over eighty intellectuals were compiled to form this book. In the meantime, the overwhelming disaster has reached its climax: »The Bosnian War«, still raging with no feasible way out as yet, exploded and blazed up like fire. The Belgrade Circle participants, distressed and abashed at the display of all those real or imagined evil deeds, so eagerly reported by the portentous heralds of death voiced hitherto often deeply hidden and silent feelings and thoughts about their burdensome disgust at the plague gripping and afflicting us all. Each participant contributed in his or her own way – rigorous scientific analysis, artistic susceptibility, eyewitness accounts, or simply. A public-minded desperate wail – to the shaping of one new, public opinion, the one that stirred in that sad Spring of ’92 and rebelled against the general fear, animosity, devastation, extermination, ethnic cleansing, forcible population exchanges... All those responsible and public-minded citizens, holding different political opinions, some members of various political parties, with incomparable personal experiences, varied professional interest and often of »objectionable« national origin, showed, however the will to insert tolerance among the basic principles of a humanized way of fife. But, in spite of the pronounced differences, their common aim, discernable in each and every speech imported to the audience, was to finally establish a community based on simple but as yet still unattainable ideals such as peace, freedom, tolerance and justice in place of degrading political, national and religious exclusiveness. Participants focussed their attention on various aspects of the problem: some analysed the roots of hatred and evil; some indicated the disastrous consequences of irresponsible national myth revivals; others warned of menaces yet to come unless we see reason in time. Some were stern, others witty and others still perhaps too prone to pathos, but they were all deeply concerned, and, as it unfortunately turned out, correct in predicting subsequent events. Therefore, individuals who take no notice of current, official policy and who have for a long time now tenaciously refused to render their talent and knowledge to the needs of the authorities, gathered round a project titled »Another Serbia«. Instigating a state of war and providing alleged erudite justification for the necessity of mutual extermination in the name of some noble goals, vague even to the very massacre executors, must not and cannot be the vocation of anyone who considers him or herself an »intellectual«, or earns a living acting as one. Hence, all session participants had but one desire: to mark out a path that may lead into a more promising future, to another, different, better and happier Serbia. »Another Serbia« soon became the synonym of resistance to fabricated lies, nationalistic madness, criminal war, a fascist holocaust, senseless destruction of villages and cities. Thanks are also due to the daily newspaper »Borba« which regularly reported on the Belgrade Circle Saturday sessions, and published a number of contributions presented there... We hope that the Another Serbia we all aspire to be easily discernable in the collection of essays presented in this book. The reader who hopes to find traces of at least some political program will be gravely disappointed. At present, when politics have poisoned the very soul of so many men of letters and knowledge, and when, among the most violent oppressors, in the ranks of all mortal enemy groups, one finds so many proud bearers of scientific degrees, who may actually be designated as men of unmerited and easily squandered reputation, it has become somewhat indecent to praise »intellectual pursuits«. The Belgrade Circle was, however, founded early in 1992 with the aim of retrieving dignity – another dangerous quality! – to public speech and conceived plans of action for the benefit of truth. We do not take an elitist position and stand indifferently above the crowd. On the contrary, being deeply involved and concerned, we place ourselves in its midst. The Association of Independent intellectuals insists upon its main goal, as declared in the program, namely, to bring together »critically oriented public figured who wish to unite their own civil and intellectual engagements with those of other, basically similarly oriented people«. That is why the Belgrade Circle will continue to »promote ideas, deeds and activities that affirm the values of a democratic, civil and plural society...« The Belgrade Circle will »encourage free and critical thought in all spheres of public life. It will support and help institutions and individuals who resist violence and animosity, and who plead for dialogue and for the survival of culture as the only humanly valid way of life«. Fine speeches? Maybe. Nevertheless, the Belgrade Circle has already, and despite many organizational and financial hardships, as well as ugly and unjust abuse from people who should have been, by the very nature of their vocation, in our ranks had they not knuckled under the burden of a more noble – national to be sure – mission, gained an undeniably high reputation. The words uttered with the aim of promoting »Another Serbia« and presented in this book to serve at testimony to the existence of a number of sensible people, shrewd and brave enough to resist suffocation by overwhelming absurdity, were not the only »weapon« used by Belgrade Circle members. They had also an active part in numerous civil and peace movements and events, thus contributing to the establishment of critical public opinion in Belgrade and Serbia: let us recall, for instance, the sad candles and our wake in the park, with souls colder than the Belgrade frost, while one of the past infernal wars – God, which one was it? – was raging out there somewhere; let us recall the »Black Band«, »Yellow Band«, »Student Protest ‘92«, and our endeavours to bring the people of Hrtkovci (»Srbislavci«) to reason; let us recall our guests from Pljevlja, Montenegro, Bosnia... All the time we were just launching our unhappy and, we believe, noble, though perhaps futile venture the very first participant said: let the Belgrade Circle begin it’s work! We hope that by offering this book to the public we have already come a long way. (INTELLECTUALS AND WAR) This volume, Intellectuals and War, follows on the heels of last year’s publication of Another Serbia. Like the latter, it is the result of the work of the Belgrade Circle. As the reader will recall, Another Serbia is a collection of over eighty talks given by members of this association of independent intellectuals and their guests, during ten of the sessions of the Belgrade Circle held every Saturday from the beginning of April to the end of June 1992. Intellectuals and War brings together some fifty texts, which were presented as part of the series »Intellectuals and War« organized every other week, for ten sessions from the beginning of October 1992 until the end of February 1993. At a time when every call for peace, national tolerance, and liberal democracy was being confronted with scorn, disdain, and open ridicule; at a time, that is, when even the most cautious doubts about the utility of the war, which might deflate the state mythology were being denounced as acts of treason committed by slanderers of the National Idea, the Belgrade Circle organized the thematic series, »Another Serbia« and introduced itself to the domestic public as one of the truly rare associations (not to mention political parties, the few exceptions not withstanding) whose members refused on principle to contribute to the destruction of other nations and the demise of their own. With this series and, particularly, with the publication of our book by the same name, the expression »Another Serbia« became a motto for all those who sooner or later came to see the dangers of the nationalist policies of the past five or more years. Unfortunately, many of the dark forebodings expressed in that first series proved to be true. With tragedies mounting at an alarming rate, many words that then sounded very strong, sometimes even, strident, have become but mild reproaches today. Words that once, only a year ago, were just short of blasphemy, have long since become commonplace in the mildest critical discourse in which almost everyone engages. Yet, in looking through the pages of Another Serbia today, one issue emerges from a number of the contributed works that still has not permeated public consciousness deeply enough and has only with great difficulty found its way into the conscience of those individuals to whom it directly refers. This is, of course, the matter of the responsibility of intellectuals for spreading national intolerance, inflaming hatred, advocating war, and – eventually – for instigating crimes and barbaric destruction and causing the isolation, poverty, denigration and scorn which has since come our way. With this in mind, the Belgrade Circle, as an association of – to repeat – independent intellectuals, decided to organize its second thematic series of discussions around this sensitive and uncomfortable question, which is often protected by taboo. The Belgrade Circle did not act impetuously in calling for an open examination of the role of public-opinion makers in the Yugoslav tragedy. Nor did it do so only after having seen the tragic results of conspicuous blunders by writers, scholars, and religious figures in irresponsible national mythmaking or – worse – in open incitement to war. Such a decision was part of the original motivation guiding the future founders of the Circle. Long before the disintegration of the country and before borders were redrawn, territory occupied and people expelled from their homes, they witnessed a number of their colleagues working as free agents or, more often, as institutional propagandists, dutifully reviving national myths, recounting the victims of pats years as if infatuated with death, reworking the ideology of land and blood and skilfully explaining the need for the South Slavic peoples to »separate« from one another once and for all. Seeing this, it became clear to the future members of the Belgrade Circle that it would not be long before these words were turned into deeds. The common denominator for the some twenty philosophers, sociologists, scientists, artists, and journalists who joined together in the Belgrade Circle was, in fact, the decisive refusal to participate in such undignified activities, which could only end in the horrors of war. In its founding Act, and later in number of public statements and individual appearances by its members, the Circle pointed to the responsibility of the »national intelligentsia« and »national institutions« for war and condemned their abuse of public speech. Although against political trials as a matter of principle, the Belgrade Circle argued in its first public statement that not only should politicians, military leaders, and those directly involved in executing their policies be held accountable for their deeds, but also intellectuals responsible for inciting war and causing crimes against humanity, the destruction of cultural and historical treasures, massive displacement of populations and the exile of numerous distinguished creative figures, and the involuntary flight of educated young people. The fact that it was precisely those individuals who given the nature of their work, should have been among our ranks, but chose instead to put their talents, knowledge, and reputation in the service of legitimising a new collectivism, who were the first to poke fun at the Circle and attack it with angry, even threatening messages made it convincingly clear that this important initiative was directed to the right address. At the crucial moment when the class-based identity of society began to collapse from within, these intellectuals, rather then putting their strength and authority into the democratic enlightenment of an apathetic citizenry actively helped to enthrone another new unifying principle, a new unio mistica which would, this time, be based on an artificially awakened and stimulated national identity. Thanks largely to these efforts, the opportunity to become a society of free individuals who act as autonomous citizens in the political sphere and not as anonymous members of the one and only Class, on Nation was again – and, again for a long time – gambled away. Put simply and crudely: once again, »ideologues«, »clerics«, and »guard dogs« have sold us a bill of goods. Few or the participants in the series »Intellectuals and War« were prepared to say that all »national intellectuals« were guided by evil intentions, hatred toward other peoples, vicious greed, futile craving for fame and honour, or the desire to gain the favour of the new/old rulers. It was clear to our authors that there were honest and intelligent people among these »national intellectuals« who sincerely believed that after the fall of the »old regime« it was more important to resolve the national question than to work for the establishment of parliamentary democracy. Reality – as is most often the case – provided them with a real basis for dissatisfaction. However, just as the framers of the idea of the social revolution before them, they turned to the implementation of the national revolution, without paying attention to the means those contracted do to the job – nurtured as they were in our rich tradition – would more than likely use. Thus, it is hard to resist the conclusion that the war began in words. Any rational observer of the now distant events could reasonably have expected the abbreviated series of exchanges between abstract ideas and concrete acts to turn easily and rapidly into bullets. After all, doesn’t the saying go: the pen is mightier than the sword!? A majority of the authors contributing to this volume, share the belief that if intellectuals – who have since become peace advocates – are now amazed and horrified by the sea of spilled blood, the ruined cities and villages, the rivers of displaced and uprooted people, and the previously unimaginable faschisation, impoverishment, and criminalisation of society, they must – if nothing else – face up to their own professional and moral responsibility for this. But this is a question of individual conscience which no one may or should pas a judgment. Some of the text, however, express the belief that another kind of responsibility – one that presumes more tangible consequences than merely having to confront oneself – must surely fall on the shoulders of that »portrait gallery« of our intellectual guard who have consciously advocated war and misted the people, captivating them with otherworldly messages, promising them the heavenly city, submerging them into the past, offering them dignity through force, and turning them away from the most natural desire to live a better and happier life with Others rather than in isolation from the outside world, imprisoned by self-love. One moment openly, the next moment covertly, they supported the consolidation of an authoritarian and indifferent regime, which would carry out the dirty work for them and for the greater glory of the Nation. They graciously allowed the forces of evil to strike, always ready to put the intellectuals’ most daring plans into action. Sometimes participating directly in the government, but more frequently, acting in the shadows as advisors to the absolute ruler and his priests and in collusion with our Volksgeist, these intellectuals were not prepared to take a stand at those moments when the people appeared to have come to their senses. They introduced even greater discord into the already confused political scene as they entered into the ranks of political parties that had the appearance of becoming democratic. Through both their silence and action, they allowed the uneducated electoral body to surrender itself to the one and only real leader. With these texts in front of us, it is tempting to outline a series of »generic-types«, that is, to construct a certain number of »ideal types« from among our national intellectuals. It is easy to understand those readers who would be happy with a string of unique caricature-like portraits. We have merely to think about all those crazed painters, poets of hearth and home, ominous prophets, patented demystifyers of planetary conspiracies and experts in deconstructing the »new world order«, ethno geneticists and amateur historians who trace their nation’s roots to ancient, even prehistoric times, former Marxists who find solace for their collapsed ideology in the »sweet joy of belonging« to the Nation, indefatigable drafters of geopolitical maps, and journalists and columnists who have persistently presented our unsophisticated readers and television audiences with an up side down picture of history and the world. But for now, let’s just keep these in mind: as, in this brief introduction we cannot even hope to sketch out such a typology, much less, to take on a detailed study of some prominent cases. What we can do is hope that a future systematic examination of the role of intellectuals in the wars we are going through will enable us to arrive at an answer to the question posed by the authors of this volume. They themselves have not been motivated by the ambition to offer an answer now and this motivation could hardly be sad to be common denominator among the various texts, which differ both in genre and in the opinions they present. As in Another Serbia, the contributors to Intellectuals and War have their own views and are alone responsible for their words.
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With this book, you're going to have to go to the fifth We present a review of the papers presented at the Migration Conference to our readers. 35 articles addressing the issue of migration from various disciplines and perspectives share a wide range of reviews. This paper-book offers a selection of more than 100 sessions, panels and workshops in total, as well as the 400 papers presented at the fifth migration conference in Athens, which lasted four days. Many participants from more than 60 countries, from economics to anthropology, sociology to medicine, working in the field of migration from a wide range of disciplines, migration and security, gender, public administration, repatriation migration, law, political participation, diyaspora, media, as well as migration culture and summer presented a large number of papers on the subject.
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𝑆𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑒𝑡𝑎𝑠 𝐶𝑙𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑐𝑎 is a multilingual collection of papers presented at the international scientific conference that has been organized by the Department of Classical and Eastern Languages and Cultures of St. Cyril and St. Methodius University of Veliko Tarnovo (Bulgaria) since 2002. Until 2015, the conference was held annually. Since 2018, it is held once every two years. St Cyril and St Methodius University Press issues the collection within the Dr. Nicola Piccolo series. The wide range of topics and the opportunity for authors to submit their academic publications in the original language attracts researchers from all over the world.
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𝑆𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑒𝑡𝑎𝑠 𝐶𝑙𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑐𝑎 is a multilingual collection of papers presented at the international scientific conference that has been organized by the Department of Classical and Eastern Languages and Cultures of St. Cyril and St. Methodius University of Veliko Tarnovo (Bulgaria) since 2002. Until 2015, the conference was held annually. Since 2018, it is held once every two years. St Cyril and St Methodius University Press issues the collection within the Dr. Nicola Piccolo series. The wide range of topics and the opportunity for authors to submit their academic publications in the original language attracts researchers from all over the world.
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The 𝑇𝑎𝑟𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑜 𝐿𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑟𝑦 𝑆𝑐ℎ𝑜𝑜𝑙 collections contain reports from the recurrent international symposium “Tarnovo Literary School”, which is the oldest and most respected forum on Old Bulgarian studies in Bulgaria and worldwide. It was held for the first time in 1971 under the auspices of UNESCO, and the first collection of articles came out in 1976. The𝑇𝑎𝑟𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑜 𝐿𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑟𝑦 𝑆𝑐ℎ𝑜𝑜𝑙 collections are among the most cited editions in the fields of Old Bulgarian studies and research into medieval Bulgarian spiritual and material culture from its pre-Tarnovo and Tarnovo periods, as well as on the cultural and literary ties between Byzantium, Bulgaria, and the Eastern Orthodox Slavic world. The main purpose of 𝑇𝑎𝑟𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑜 𝐿𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑟𝑦 𝑆𝑐ℎ𝑜𝑜𝑙 is to publish scholarly articles by Bulgarian and foreign researchers in the field of interdisciplinary medieval studies in order to explore the cultural and historical heritage of the Second Bulgarian Empire.
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