Around the Bloc: Orthodox Murder Scandal Shocks Georgia
An archdeacon caught with cyanide may have wanted to assassinate the country’s revered Patriarch Ilia II.
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An archdeacon caught with cyanide may have wanted to assassinate the country’s revered Patriarch Ilia II.
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The denominational and national identity of the Transylvanian Sabbatarians (‘Judaizers’) has been constantly debated since the mid-19th century discovery of Sabbatarian literature. The question has always been haunted by mythologizing tendencies. The absence of something that was a given in the cases of other denominations – that is, the reflection on their native land and their nationality– has been explained in terms of denominationally and nationally biased viewpoints. Although most scholars had their own opinions about this question, no one has heretofore undertaken a detailed inquiry into the subject based on the texts themselves, and within the context of the Sabbatarians’ attitude to Jews. This study addresses this deficiency. It employs a relevant set of keywords to identify the signs of identity-creation in the earliest extant texts, and explores the Sabbatarian perception of the Jews. It reinforces the hypothesis that the absence of a patriotic voice is rooted in the theological advance towards Judaism. Although the perception of the Jews is not entirely positive in Sabbatarian texts, their role is unique, making them essential for salvation. This indicates the later direction of the formation of Sabbatarian national and denominational identity, which was a gradual movement towards Jewishness, leading to eventual‘assimilation’.
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In the sixteenth century there were antitrinitarian centers in Ottoman Hungary. This paper explores the situation and the credo of the antitrinitarians in Baranya, Pécs, using relevant information from the 1588 Pécsi Disputa (Dispute of Pécs), a polemic written by the antitrinitarian preacher, György Válaszúti.The second psalm is a very difficult point in the Unitarian-antitrinitarian polemic writings and confessions. This paper identifies the parts of the Dispute which are connected with this psalm, and compares them with the Transylvanian Bishop György Enyedi’s Explicationes.This comparison makes evident that the Unitarians in Pécs were more extremist than Enyedi’s. While Enyedi tried to connect with all the other Christian religions, György Válaszúti was an unapologetic nonadorantist. Perhaps this was due to the almost unique situation for the antitrinitarians in Pécs, where it was somewhat less complex then in Transylvania, where the politics and the religion were so tightly connected. In Baranya the Lutherans were forbidden by the ottoman leadership which was more permissive with the Unitarians, and the Roman Catholics had a good relationship with the antitrinitarians, so it is not a coincidence that other non- adorantists like Miklós Bogáti Fazakas showed up and hid in the city of Pécs.
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The development of the communication means through the introduction of new technologies has brought along significant changes to the modality in which communication is realized, both semiotically and socio-culturally. Technologies are continuously improving, new systems, new means and new instruments of communication and interaction emerge, which, on the one hand have the capacity to synthesize the production of images and, on the other hand, to interact with the one proposing the informative material. This is the reason why nowadays there has been a debate on the ethics of communication. Unfortunately, the harsh reality we all face today is rooted in the fact that many professionals demonstrate their incapacity and unavailability to minimally comply with the ethics in the name of the “liberty expression”. Non-compliance generates a great deal of confusing for those receiving the information. We can state that the ethics in communication refers to fully committing, consciously engaging and morally approaching every act, either individual or collective, which lead to a responsible use of our liberty of expression. Despite these challenges, the Church understood the necessity of mass- media for the modern individual. Thus, the Romanian Orthodox Church has taken this responsibility and is present in the space of public communication and visibility.
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The concepts of old age formulated by Desiderius Erasmus and Gabriele Paleotti differ in many respects. The two authors created their works devoted to the concluding stages of the human life at different points in their own lives and in different periods of the Renaissance. One of the authors expressed his views in verse, and the other – in prose. More importantly, however, while referring to the same sources, the two writers guide the reader towards entirely different conclusions. Both Erasmus and Paleotti ground their refl ections on the ancient views of old age. The extent to which the former assimilates and emphasises on them is such that he even becomes suspected of depression and a midlife crisis. It seems, however, that Erasmus aims at nothing else but helping his readers to re-immerse in the concepts of the ancient world, in consistency with the ideas of the Renaissance. Unlike Erasmus, whose work can be viewed as a kind of literary lament for the old age, Paleotti clearly aims at consolation. He also refers to the ideas of the ancient world and devotes nearly a third of his treaty to their presentation. Furthermore, the ways in which he organises (splits and generalises) his material refl ect the prevailing views of the old age. Ultimately, however, Paleotti abandons the old theories and, in the part where he presents his own opinions, refers to scholastic philosophy. While references to the Bible and history of the Church essentially remain within the domain of illustrative examples, the entire work is created within the tradition of Christian thought, for the scholar’s intention was not to present an ideal of old age in general, but specifi cally in the context of Christian theology. The clear link between the content of the work and the views of its author does not seem to surprise in case of Paleotti, who was a Catholic priest, deeply involved in Church reform. It may also be perceived as an indirect result of the infl uence of the teachings of Thomas Aquinas, which lay at the basis of the complete representation, and particularly his refl ection on the understanding of goodness. It is also conceivable that the combination of a clear expression of religious views and a tendency for encyclopedic categorisation was a sign heralding the coming of Baroque. Ultimately, none of the works provides a decisive answer to the question of the positive value of the old age. Nevertheless, they offer an insight into the Renaissance understanding of that phenomenon which arises from a combination of ancient ideas and personal as well as social experiences.
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History of pastoral psychology, since its inception on the basis of nineteenth-century Protestantism, up to the present, reveals a problem with the placement among disciplines. The reasons for the fuzzy identity is seen in the ongoing inability to reconcile the relationship of psychology and religion, passing from overt hostility stages (Freudianism, Marxism), by equating reductionism with a simple psychic phenomena and spiritual, or mutual indifference, the openness and sharing of their achievements. The article presents the current pastoral psychology as a specifi c area “in-between” psychology (of religion) and pastoral theology. Given the history of this young discipline, outlines the relationship of pastoral psychology and other disciplines, indicating that the unclear identity “at the crossroads” of theology and psychology, may constitute in essence its a great resource built on the ability of interdisciplinary dialogue and writing fl exible to the needs of modern man with his polyphonic nature.
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In our analysis we attempt to demonstrate the exceptional character of light within the act of creation. This uniqueness, in our view, can be demonstrated to be the background to the structure of the entire Priestly Creation Narrative, as well as the particular focus of Gen 1,3-5. In the theological perspective of the priestly redactor, light stands out clearly from God’s other creative acts, its significance extending far beyond its obvious physical properties. The creation of light not only sets in motion the cosmic clock but it also initiates space-time, in which all the subsequent acts of creation take place. The creation of light makes the order of creation feasible and indeed determines it. Its appearance seems to accompany the theophany of God, thus it constitutes a key element of God’s dominion over the forces of chaos.
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Among the various interpretations of “The Star out of Jacob” (Numbers 24:17), the messianic reading, present in both the Jewish and the Christian traditions, has played an enormous role. The purpose of this study is to review the development of different interpretations of “The Star out of Jacob”, starting from the Masoretic Text of Numbers 24:17, proceeding through the ancient versions, and ending up with the exegesis of the early Church Fathers.
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The article analyzes the use of the metaphor of light in the didactic books of the Old Testament. In the biblical tradition, light signifies primarily earthly life. Theophany psalms describe God as the source of light, even though darkness accompanies Him, in order to canopy His sanctity and to provide safety to people. Thanks to the experience of the God’s help, the Chosen People as a whole, as well as each individual Israelite, can confess that God is light. The requests and pleadings addressed to God in order to receive His help and blessing are also expressed through the metaphor of light. The understanding of God’s Law as light guiding one to God is another notable use of this metaphor. The element of light is also connected with the theology cultivated by the sapiential tradition, signifying wisdom and truth. Thus, the metaphor of light extends from mythological images evoking the Ancient Near Eastern traditions on the perspectives appropriate to the later biblical books.
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In the present article, the author analyzes the meaning and symbolic sense of light in the Book of Wisdom. The Wisdom in Wis 7:10 is interpreted not as superior to light but rather as a light which is a guide for the sage and a symbol of the wisdom of God. In pursuit of a deeper comprehension of this text, the author points to Wis 18:1-4 as important in developing the sense of light, and in particular the strong connection between light and the Jewish Law – the supreme light of wisdom that God gave to all the nations. The central position of these verses within the unit of Wis 16–19 points out the absolute importance of the Law, which is described as a true light. At the same time, the writer of the Book of Wisdom emphasizes the importance of the Law as imperishable and unchangeable, a cornerstone of religious life.
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Any correct and in-depth interpretation of a metaphor necessarily presumes a reference to some definite context. The article presents a collection of texts from Isa 1–39 (2:5; 4:2-5; 5:20.30; 6:9-10; 9:5-6; 10:17; 26:19; 29:18; 30:26) where the motif of light is applied. Its various forms are inspired by the Ancient Near-Eastern cultures, which associate light especially with a divine sphere, king, victory and just rule. In Isa 1–39 light appears both in the eschatological contexts and in connection with the meaning of knowledge, especially knowledge of God. Thus the motif of light links these two fundamental contexts, not only enriching the interpretation of both but also suggesting a direct, causal relationship between knowing God and eschatological victory.
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The article explores the ways in which the writings of the Qumran community use the metaphor of light to describe God’s dwelling. The first part outlines the background contained in the Hebrew Bible, which permits an understanding of the theological foundations of Judaism in the Second Temple period. The second part considers the two important non-canonical texts of greatest importance to the Qumran community, namely First Book of Enoch and Book of Jubilees. The last part analyses the four Qumran sectarian works which employ the “light of God’s dwelling” imagery: Songs of Sabbath Sacrifice, Blessings and Curses, Songs of the Maskil and Works of God. Also examined are examples of the broader eschatological use of light in other texts of the community. Light, when used to describe God’s dwelling, emphasises the perfection of a heavenly palace and the unapproachability of the Creator by the man during his earthly lifetime.
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The star image in the Gospel of Matthew has been repeatedly commented upon by many scholars. Some older interpretations, based on various known astronomical phenomena, have proved of limited use in terms of understanding the passage. There are some other explanations that depend upon ancient beliefs about stars appearing at the time an important person comes into the world. All these solutions, however, represent no more than scientific or historical hypothesis. Without entering into historical discussions about stars or the beliefs of ancient generations in the Middle East, the author of the paper proposes to look afresh at one enigmatic phrase in the Matthean story: en tē anatolē. A rich panorama of Old Testament quotations, which serve to connect the verb anatellō (LXX) with its Hebrew equivalent zāraḥ, reveal a wider context and thus some new possibilities for our understanding of the phrase. The author’s explanation is supported by an important narrative function of the star within the story, where the magi seeing its light are led to the newborn King.
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The article deals with the metaphor of light as used in the three synoptic passages recounting the Transfiguration of Jesus. Light was visible to the disciples, thus the Transfiguration had an external character, expressed in the dazzling white clothing of Jesus and the radiance of his face as the sun. The synoptic Gospels’ symbolism of light is based on OT traditions such as the Mosaic theophany on Sinai and the apocalyptic vision of the Son of Man in Dn 7. By the term light (and semantically related words) the Gospel writers attempt to describe the transcendent reality which is manifested to selected disciples. The shining radiance of the transfigured Jesus, as well as the dazzling white garment, both serve to reveal Him as a heavenly figure. The symbolism of light as used in this pericope projected a divine attribute, a meaning fully comprehensible within the Jewish and Greek worlds: The bright radiance of the transfigured Jesus is an unmistakable element of His glory.
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The Gospel of St Matthew was addressed to the Christians of Jewish origin. Further, the symbol of light often appears within Jewish biblical and extra-biblical traditions (apocrypha, pseudoepigrapha, Qumran literature, Josephus). It is not surprising, then, to find it present also in Matthew’s description of both the empty tomb of Jesus and the Christophany which follows (Mt 28:1-10). In the article, the author examines the meaning of the symbol of light as it is employed in this passage.
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The symbolism of light and darkness, well known to the authors of the Old Testament, appears particularly often in the Gospel according to St. John. While it is relatively easy to guess that for the writer the symbol of light represents the active presence of Christ in the world, it is much harder to identify precisely the symbolism – undoubtedly negative – of the darkness. On this point commentators have differed very much in their opinions. The biblical image of light joins inseparably a cognitive dimension and a moral one: the light allows us to get to know God, marking the way to Him, and at the same time reveals the truth of human deeds. That is why evildoers avoid the light, hiding their deeds in darkness. In the theology of St. John, the Passion of Christ is presented as a time when darkness prevails, yet its victory is only a brief illusion. Following the night of Passion, the dawn of the Resurrection approaches.
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The monk Evagrius of Pontus (345-399 AD) presents in his spiritual doctrine the concept of "pure prayer", that is, prayer not only devoid of any contact with material things but also divorced from any concrete image in the nous (i.e., the mind or intellect). This type of deep prayer becomes a source for the knowledge of God. Upon reaching this state of deep purification, the nous experiences during prayer the light of God and also perceives himself as radiant. Evagrius specifies that the nous sees itself in the color of the sapphire or in sky-blue, or even as a star. Scientists for a long time asked themselves whether, for Evagrius, this light originated within the mind itself, or came from God. It seems that monk of Pontus joins these two lights together, although considering them always as separate. The light of nous itself is but a reflection of the divine light, in the same way that the moon reflects the light of the sun. Even if the nous is not the source of its own light, nevertheless its light is real. In a time of deep spiritual union with God, His light illuminates the human nous and turns it into radiance.
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The aim of this article was to familiarize the reader with the imagery of light, particularly its role in the development of ascetic discipline and early Christian mysticism. The vehicle for this exploration is an analysis of selected texts from the spiritual collection of the monk and hermit Pseudo-Macarius (Symeon of Mesopotamia). In Macarius’s theology of light one may find clear references to the thought of Origen, as well as the influence of other Church writers representing the heritage of both Greek Alexandrian tradition and Syrian thought. The theological message of Symeon of Mesopotamia should be read in the pneumatological context. The fundamental truth of his spiritual homilies is communion in Holy Spirit and the reception of His fullness. In the article, the author seeks to elucidate and interpret the spiritual tradition known to researchers as une mystique pneumatique. The homilies of Macarius significantly contributed to the dissemination of this pneumatological mysticism throughout the Greek and later Byzantine world. The interesting apologetic themes appear on the margins of the main subject of the works and are very superficially discussed in the context of the general polemics with heresies.
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This article examines the relevance and the significance of the symbol of the light in the paschal liturgy in Jerusalem in the first millennium. The rite of the lighting the candle, which opens the liturgy of the Easter Vigil (called the Easter Lucernarium), is present in all the known sources of the Jerusalem liturgy. The most significant of these are Itinerarium Egeriae (end of the 4th century), the Armenian Lectionary (5th century), the Grand Lectionary of the Church of Jerusalem from the Georgian tradition (6th-8th century) and the Typicon of the Anastasis (12th century). The development of the rite of paschal light – which includes the lighting of the candle or candles inside of the chapel of the Tomb of Christ, passing the fire to the whole congregation, prayers, psalms, antiphons and processions – reflects the profound theological significance of the Resurrection of Christ. Indeed, the celebration of Easter in Jerusalem, thanks to the very evocative symbol of light, has always been preeminent among Christological and ecclesiological event.
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