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A conversation between Algimantas Jankauskas and Bronislovas Genzelis
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A conversation between Algimantas Jankauskas and Bronislovas Genzelis
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There is nothing new in the thesis that nations are not "natural" and everlasting subdivisions of humanity. There is no need to repeat constantly that modern nations are of relatively recent origin. People interested in the problem should have realized that this had been made clear more than a hundred years ago, primarily by Marxists in the multinational Habsburg empire, and that the best, classic works on this subject were published at the very beginning of our century. [...]
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Review of: Predrag Vranicki: Marxismus und Sozialismus, Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt 1985, 457 Seiten, öS 374.-/ DM 48.- Franz Loeser: Die unglaubwürdige Gesellschaft. Quo vadis, DDR? Bund-Verlag, Köln 1984, 236 Seiten, öS 187.20/DM 24.- Norbert Roperts (Hg.): Osteuropa. Ein Reisebuch in den Alltag, roro 7521, Reinbek 1975, 460 Seiten, öS 154.50/DM 19.80 Marlies Menge: Die Sachsen - Das Staatsvolk der DDR. Mit 30 Fotos von Rudi Meisel, Piper Verlag, München 1985, 118 Seiten Rudolf Stamm: Alltag und Tradition in Osteuropa. Sozialismus mit und ohne Augenzwinkern, Verlag Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Zürich 1985, 175 Seiten Tatjana Goritschewa: Die Kraft christlicher Torheit. Meine Erfahrungen, Verlag Herder, Freiburg 1985, 125 Seiten, öS 123.40/DM 15.80 Rudolf Bohren: Ich möchte Mauern durchschreiten, Verlag Herder, Freiburg 1985, 123 Seiten. öS 61.60/DM 7.90 Johannes Harder (Hg.): Lebensweisheit des russischen Volkes, Verlag Herder, Freiburg 1985, 127 Seiten, öS 61.60/DM 7.90 Wolfgang Höpken: Sozialismus und Pluralismus in Jugoslawien. Entwicklung und Demokratiepolitik des Selbstverwaltungssystems. R. Oldenbourg Verlag, München 1984, 439 Seiten, öS 374.40/DM 48.-
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Es gab Spekulationen darüber, ob sich die Situation in Albanien nach Enver Hoxhas Tod ändern würde. Da Albanien die letzte Bastion des Stalinismus in Europa ist, ergibt sich die Frage, ob das Land von jenem strengen orthodoxen Stalinismus abgehen wird, der im Augenblick noch charakteristisch ist.
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In den letzten Wochen widmete die gewerkschaftliche Untergrundpresse der Partei mehr Raum als üblich. Bedingt durch die Wahlversammlungen trat die Partei, die normalerweise an vielen Arbeitsplätzen unsichtbar ist, aus dem Abseits hervor. Gleichzeitig werden ihre »Errungenschaften« während der legalen Solidarnosc-Zeit und unter dem Kriegsrecht zusammengefaßt.
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Visuotinės istorijos istoriografijos kurse trumpai pristatydavau įžymius praeities istorikus ir kartais pusiau juokais sakydavau, kad studentai pasirinko ypatingą specialybę, nes istorikai ilgai gyvena ir rašo iki pat gyvenimo pabaigos. Neprisimenu, ar tokiame kontekste paminėdavau mūsiškius – Mečislovą Jučą ir Edvardą Gudavičių. Ilgaamžių istorikų buvo ir tebėra taip pat kaimynėje Lenkijoje. 2020 m. gegužės 15 d. suėjo 90 metų pasaulinio garso istorikui ir politologui Andrzejui Walickiui. Jo moksliniuose darbuose nagrinėjama daugiausia idėjų istorija. Lenkijoje panašia tematika užsiima nemažai mokslininkų: Walickio mokinys Lodzės universiteto profesorius Andrzejus de Lazari, neseniai miręs Jerzy Szackis, Gdansko universiteto profesorius Zbigniewas Opackis ir kiti. Tačiau ryškiausias yra Walickis.
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The analysis of professors in Humanities at Vilnius University in 1948–1956, the period of studies and post-graduate course of Donatas Sauka, established that professors who had not accepted the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism and who had obtained their academic titles in independent Lithuania or pre-revolutionary Russia had left the university. During the first year of Soviet rule, a group of persons who had contributed to Lithuania’s incorporation into the USSR and undertaken to establish the doctrine at the university became professors. They were active in the 1940s and 1950s and created a climate of fear. Some lecturers who were neutral towards the doctrine had been granted the title of professors for their contribution to the science in order to raise the prestige of the university. A cluster of lecturers who attempted to interpret literature without applying primitive sociologisation was formed in the Department of Lithuanian Literature in mid 1950s. At the initiative of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party, actions were taken (1956–1961) to force the group of young lecturers to follow the requirements of the doctrine. Having defied the requirements, they were dismissed. D. Sauka belonged to the group, but had retained his job as a lecturer without changing his views towards the doctrine. Some professors, associate professors, and students at the university participated in the ideological cleansing of the Department of Lithuanian Literature. They were later promoted. During the 1960s, among literary scholars only Jurgis Lebedys became a professor. At that time, high qualification requirements for obtaining a professor’s title were set in the USSR. Those who had obtained the titles of professors had different approaches towards the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism. Some showed support only formally and expanded the scope of analysed issues by slowly validating new fields of knowledge and developed individual thinking; others attained high qualification and performed the actions of implementing the doctrine required by the party leaders; still others sought their personal goals by using maintenance of the doctrine as a pretext. The guardians of the doctrine created obstacles for unwanted persons in becoming professors by trying to prevent them from defending their doctoral (post-doctoral) theses and publishing their articles and works; they tried to create a wall of silence around them. In the 1970s, D. Sauka and Vytautas Kubilius defended their doctoral (post-doctoral) theses; both of them had surpassed the topics defined by the doctrine and opened new fields of knowledge in Lithuanian literature and culture. Attempts were made to prevent them from defending their theses, but thanks to the vigilance of his colleagues, D. Sauka defended his thesis and became a professor after four years. The approval of V. Kubilius’s doctoral (post-doctoral) title lasted six years, yet one of the strongest literary critics and scholars was not granted the title of professor from the Soviet university. In the 1980s, a number of students at Vilnius University obtained titles of professors. The doctrine itself had changed at that time, the communist government avoided scandals, the level of mentality was higher at the university, and simultaneously, the behaviour of lecturers themselves was self-censored; some of the guardians of the doctrine had voluntarily abandoned their position and those who appreciated the works of their talented colleagues appeared. At the juncture of the 1980s and 1990s, professors of Vilnius University became more prominent in the society: these were personalities that developed individual thinking of their own and others, done valuable work for the culture of Lithuania, retained relations with the nation and had the goal of creating an independent state of Lithuania.
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The article examines the introduction of Soviet Marxism (Marxism-Leninism) into the Lithuanian higher education system in 1944–1947. Based on archival sources and existing historiography, this paper explores the development of the higher education system in Lithuania during the first years of the Soviet occupation, including the translation, publication, and dissemination of ideological texts. It is argued that the introduction of Soviet Marxism in Lithuanian higher education institutions in 1944–1945 was carried out in a forced and chaotic manner, the organization of teaching and the preparation of ideological literature was slow, and there was a lack of staff to teach ideological courses. First came the creation of formal institutions (departments, divisions, institutes), and only then a consistent introduction of Marxist-Leninist teachings and the implementation of ideological control.
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The paper discusses the relationship between Marx's philosophy and the rule of law. The classical view of Marxism and the rule of law tells us that these are opposite notions. In this paper, the author presents different views in the context of the relationship between Marx's philosophy and the rule of law in relation to the classical Marxist view of the rule of law. Also, the author in this paper shows that Marx'sunderstanding of the rule of law does not necessarily contradict the modern concept of the rule of law, and also, Marx's understanding of the rule of law is related to the problem of building the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author conveys Marx's critique of 'law' as a critique of the process of building the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition, the author shows that Marx's critique of 'law' is not necessarily an obstacle to the implementation of the modern concept of the rule of law
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In the article, Michał Jerzy Zacharias presents the evolution of the political stance, especially the political thought of Milovan Đilas on the so-called ‘new class’ and the communist system: its origins, character, and inevitable collapse. This evolution concerns the formation, nature, transformations, and unavoidable - in the opinion of the Yugoslav analyst - collapse of this system. The author draws attention to the views and concepts of the ‘new class’ as depicted by his predecessors, starting with Nikolai Bakunin. He makes the readers aware of the fact that The New Class’ author was neither the first nor the only thinker to emphasise the negative role of the new ruling strata that emerged after the revolution and subjugated the whole society. Zacharias also provides facts proving that, according to Đilas, the ‘new class’, i.e. the party (communist) political bureaucracy, was a completely different phenomenon from the classes of the capitalist system. First of all, due to the power monopoly in every fi eld: political, economic, and ideological. Đilas stresses that in bourgeois societies, individual classes and their emanations, political parties, always had to be content with only a partial share in power and only political. This monopolisation of power in all possible areas by the ‘new class’ leads Đilas to conclude that the communist system is truly “a power that has become an end in itself ”. Such an approach is entirely at variance with the theories of Karl Marx, and also others, in practice, all Marxist theoreticians contemporary with the Das Kapital’s author. All this, even though Đilas uses Marxist concepts, theoretical categories and Marxist, class-based analysis of economic, social, and political processes. Noteworthy is also his insightful analysis of the collapse of the communist system. Both in his Th e New Class and later works, he would write that it was the internal contradictions, the existence and operations of the ‘new class’ that became the fundamental reasons for the collapse of communism - its decay and self-destruction.
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According to Georg Lukács, one of the most important signs of the lack of class consciousness among the lower-class individuals is the immoral condition in which the individual cannot abandon the forms of ideological and interest-based compromise with other classes. According to him, class consciousness is about how individuals perceive themselves and their position in the current production process together with the social structure they are in. In societies where class consciousness is not developed, the lower-class individuals who are hindered from fulfilling their basic needs, and who even consider having a job as a matter of luck, are faced with circumstances where they do not question the reasons of their current condition, step on each other and see each other as a threat. In this respect, the most significant part of class consciousness is that individuals are always supposed to be in solidarity to achieve their common class goals in the face of the phenomenon of class conflict. Previously, in Snowpiecer (Snowpiecer, Bong Joon-ho, 2013), Bong Joon-ho addressed the phenomenon of class conflict between the ruling and the ruled in a horizontal and artificial space, i.e., a train, with a dystopian language. In this study, it is argued that Bong Joon-ho goes the opposite direction in Parasite: it deals with the class society and the subordinate-superior relationship in a mansion as a natural habitat from the perspective of class consciousness or the lack thereof. Through the example of the Kim family, who could not find out the causes of their problems resulting from their class condition because of the lack of class consciousness, this study aims to show that these people without consciousness exist both as authors and actors of their own tragedies by following Georg Lukács’ concept of class consciousness.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the theoretical aspect of the concept of musical modernism O. Korchova, to identify debatable aspects important for the creation of the inter-artistic theory of modernism. Methodology: used historical, cultural, and comparative methods, with the involvement of philosophy and psychology. The scientific novelty of the study is that the musicological concept of modernism is compared with the literary, which proves the need to create an inter-artistic theory of modernism, necessary in the practice of stylistic analysis of modernist works. Conclusions. An important achievement of O. Korchova's research is the search for a "stylistic formula" of each composer of the epoch. The artist is looking not just for a consonant style or form, but for himself and his style. Individual style does not arise from simple combinations of borrowed. Styles of modernism conflict with each other, to combine them, to avoid eclecticism, you need to find a way and a reason to combine. The way to find your style is never purely artistic, it is always vital. Modernists, putting art in the first place in aesthetics, discovered the concept of life creation, which distinguishes the modernist from the artists of previous eras. Life-creation is a special way of an artist into art, movement simultaneously in two dimensions, external and internal, their constant coordination and gradual transformation of oneself, with life and works together, into a cultural phenomenon. And if this happened - then something unique was formed, unique, completely individual, and at the same time universal, something original and holistic, something that will become a value for contemporaries and descendants, that is, the author's style. Just as it is not easy for every artist to find his style, so it is not easy for a researcher to find a formula for this style. But without such a goal, the study of creativity will be historiographical, descriptive, and rhetorical. It is important for every scholar who studies specific texts of culture to understand the trends of the era and the psychology of the creative process, all the laws that unite.
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Povijesni likovi ljudske egzistencije odgovaraju ideji čovjeka kroz pet načina očitovanja "duhovnoga bitka": (1) mita, (2) religije, (3) umjetnosti, (4) filozofije i (5) znanosti. Likovi pritom poprimaju različite obrise i figuralno određenje. Sjetimo se tek načina kako je tijekom povijesti lik filozofa mijenjao značenje počevši od Heraklita, Sokrata do Spinoze, Marxa, Kierkegaarda i Nietzschea. Ovdje, dakako, nije posrijedi slikovno ozbiljenje ideje. Umjesto toga mislimo na simboličko značenje lika kao duhovne moći ozbiljenja onoga što čini bit ideje u pojavnome svijetu. Epohe se mogu čak odrediti vladavinom referencijalnih okvira njihove moći kojom upravljaju ne samo ljudskim svijetom, već i prirodom, odnosom kozmičkih sila, konstelacijama društva, politike i kulture. Nije nimalo neobično da se ono prvotno ili začetno (arché) odvija u neposrednosti odnosa božanskoga, prirodnoga i ljudskoga. Mitski čovjek odnosi se spram bitka tako da ga opjevava kao tajnu postojanja živeći smjerno u strahu od bogova. Tome usuprot, znanstveni čovjek s nastankom novoga vijeka bitak već ništi time što ga preobražava u predmet i predstavljanje kao znanstveno određeni objekt.
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In recent years there are often discussions in public sphere regarding the curriculum, its reforms and its content. The stronger influence of the hidden curriculum than the influence of official curricula is neglected. By realization of an official curriculum, social behaviour is created and promoted, as well as the daily life in the classroom is organized and pupils’ educational values transferred. There are many school activities that are directly or indirectly involved in child raising and which, as such, constitute a hidden curriculum. The hidden curriculum is not a part of the official and public programs, although it makes the regulation of pedagogical interaction and refers to implicit practice specific to an educational area. In fact, it defines what students adopt from the values and norms of teachers, school rituals and procedures, from the physical environment, the relationship between the subjects in school, the school culture, and so on. In this paper we will try to present some of the implications of the hidden curriculum, especially by reviewing a teacher who directs the educational process. Because of the impossibility of unambiguous definition, the authors agreed that the hidden curriculum reflects an unnoticed standardization of relationships within the context of the school and that teacher behaviour patterns are of crucial importance. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to define the concept of the hidden curriculum at its conceptual level as well as its content in the context of school culture, teachers’ implicit theory and its ideological framework.
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Review: Marxism, Gender and “the Transition”: A Comparative Review of Federici and Seccombe (Gary Blank)
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This article identifies a number of trends over the last two decades in the evolution of feminism in academia, with a focus on the significance of cultural studies, the experience of socialism and post-socialism for women, and new forms of feminist activism to suggest both points of tension and also necessary departures in order to render feminism still relevant.
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The focus of this article is Latvian textbooks published in the USSR from 1920-1930 for Latvian pupils living in the Soviet Union, and the use of folklore texts in them. Attention is focused on the principles of the selection of specific texts and how the authors of textbooks interpret folklore texts. This research aims to determine how folklore units available in Soviet Latvian textbooks resonated with the dominant dogmas of the Marxist-Leninist ideology in the USSR. The first half of the article describes the most important aspects of the Soviet Latvian diaspora and the organization of education. In this part of the study, all Soviet Latvian textbooks issued from 1920- 1930 were examined: ABC, Latvian language and literature textbooks, school reading books and chrestomathies, as well as published selections of folklore units (24 books in all), not all of them included folklore texts. The focus of the analysis is only those books in which folklore had been published. The analyzed folklore units show how these texts can be used for propaganda purposes using various methods: by selectively picking out only those folklore units that correspond to the Marxist-Leninist ideology, commenting and creating paratexts, ignoring Latvian folklore genres (mythical songs, magic tales), using metrics and formulas of classical folklore to create texts with new content glorifying Soviet reality.
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Since January 2020, the global community has faced what may be tagged a biological war against the ravaging COVID-19 pandemic. While many countries in the world have been hard hit by this virus, response patterns to the pandemic have varied from country to country and, expectedly, with varying success rates. The global community witnessed a surge in socialist policies as a response pattern to the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper argued that the countries with poor COVID-19 responses are predominantly capitalist economies under the curse of overlooking secondary consequences. The paper examined concepts such as socialism, capitalism, free market and command economy. The paper then offered philosophical argumentation for its conclusion that the COVID-19 reality is strong evidence that adopting socialist policies in an economy is more reliable than a predominantly capitalist economy, and should be the background to rebuilding the post COVID-19 economies.
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