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Základným znakom osláv a slávností je vytvorenie priestoru a príležitosti na reprezentáciu oslavovanej osoby, inštitúcie či konkrétnej komunity a udalostí, spätých s ich predchádzajúcim vývojom. Pre danú osobu či komunitu majú symbolický význam. Táto symbolika vyvoláva zmyslovú súvislosť, viažu sa k nej emócie a je funkčná iba v určitých väzbách a sociálnych vzťahoch. Platí to i pre festivity, ktoré sú spojené s procesmi formovania moderných národov, ich identít a kolektívnej pamäti. Osláviť pamiatku veľkých ľudí svojho národa slávnosťami a pomníkmi patrí k významným a frekventovaným možnostiam verejnej prezentá- cie každej národnej komunity. Umožňuje jej totiž predviesť želanú formu svojich vlastných dejín, resp. kolektívnej pamäti na prekonaný úsek vývoja, vyčleniť a odlíšiť sa od iných komunít, usmerňovať vlastných členov, predstaviť aktuálnu vnútornú hierarchiu vedúcich postáv i selektívny výber postáv akceptovaný komunitou ako zakladateľská generácia.
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V historickej pamäti Slovákov sa konštituovalo viacero lokalít a objektov, ktoré sa stali miestom pripomínania Ľudovíta Štúra predovšetkým z hľadiska jeho prínosu pre národné hnutie. V prvom rade išlo o Štúrov hrob na modranskom cintoríne, pričom sa v priebehu dlhodobého vývoja množina pamätných objektov a miest postupne rozširovala. V súčasnosti medzi ne patria nielen rodný dom, či dom, v ktorom Ľ. Štúr zomrel, ale napríklad aj Devínsky hrad, miesto jedného z prvých kolektívnych vystúpení štúrovskej generácie. Niektoré miesta a objekty sa miestom kolektívneho spomí- nania na Štúra (štúrovcov, či dokonca Štúrovcov) stali pomerne neskoro. Napríklad o budove, v ktorej sídlila redakcia Slovenských národných novín a zároveň v nej býval Ľ. Štúr, sa laická verejnosť dozvedela až v roku 1959 vďaka historičke Márii Vyvíjalovej.547 Hoci sa návrhy na umiestnenie pamätnej tabule na mieste, na ktorom pôvodne stál dom s bytom Ľ. Štúra objavili už v spomínanom období, podarilo sa to až v roku 2005. Pritom treba dodať, že pôvodný historický objekt už dnes neexistuje.
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Ľudovít Štúr prepožičal svoje meno mnohým uliciam, verejným priestranstvám i niektorým inštitúciám. Význam jeho osobnosti pripomínajú domácej i zahraničnej verejnosti početné výtvarné artefakty. Okrem obrazov, sôch, pamätných tabúľ, medailí a odznakov sú to aj kovové a papierové platidlá. Zobrazenie portrétu Ľ. Štúra na platidlách bolo neraz predmetom zložitých rozhodovaní. Jeho portréty na peniazoch však nie sú jediným spôsobom, ako jeho odkaz platidlá reflektujú. Cieľom tohto príspevku je opis, porovnanie a zhodnotenie týchto skutočností, ako aj ich zasadenie do širších historických súvislostí a do všeobecného rámca symboliky a ikonografie peňažných znakov.
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The article deals with the basic institutional frames of modern Slovak culture which emerged and continuously developed during the period of the inter-war Czechoslovak Republic. During this time, the Slovak and European history became factographically and typologically synchronized. It brought quantitative development of education, science, Slovak literature, translations of world literature to Slovak language and the activities of new young generation of authors that can not be compared with the situation before 1918. The author focuses on culture factor of the so called Slovak question in the context of Czechoslovakism as official state ideology, too.
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Czech historian Michal Kopeček began one of his lectures on the historical memory with a quote which fits very well into the conclusion of this book: “Someone once said that happier nations do not have to worry so much about history, and, therefore, their national culture can be based on philosophy and art. Less fortunate nations, meaning those who lose more often, must pay more attention to their history. As a result, basis for their national culture and often also national obsession is the history.” Being obsessed with history and its interpretation is typical of all the countries in Central Europe. Since the 19th century, close links were established in this region between the historiography and the political developments of the nations, which led not only to “politisation of history” but also to “historisation of the politics”. How else could the situation have developed in the area where the borders, forms of government and state configurations changed every few years? A joke about a man who was a citizen four different states without leaving Mukacheve, in fact accurately describes the tragic absurdity of the Central European historical developments. However, it did not concern individuals only, but whole groups. As Michal Schvarc writes in his study: “Who would have predicted it at the beginning of 1918 that the city of Bratislava would become a part of four different state establishments, that in such a relatively short time it would go through six different regimes, and that just a torso would be left of the 30-thousand German community by early 1949 which will fear to claim allegiance to its roots?”
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Predložená kapitola je naším pokusom vytvoriť spoločné dielo a zároveň vstúpiť do diskusie o potrebe a možnostiach intenzívnejšieho dialógu historikov zo Slovenska a z Maďarska. Rozhodli sme sa napísať dielo, ktoré nebude sledovať ešte stále aktuálnu prax vytvárania paralelných príbehov „slovenských“ a „maďarských“ dejín, ktoré sú zároveň odrazom nedostatočnej komunikácie medzi odborníkmi a presadzovania nacionalistických interpretácií dejín v oboch krajinách. Prostredníctvom príbehu inštalácie náhrobného kameňa chceme analyzovať refl exiu zániku monarchie v práve sa formujúcom maďarskom menšinovom diskurze. Snažíme sa zachytiť úlohu tzv. spoločenských aktérov, resp. kultúrnych inštitúcií a rituálov, v procese konštruovania a distribúcie kultúrnych reprezentácií.
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Magic in the past in its various forms, perceptions and definitions has been a popular subject of modern Western scholarship for a long time. In the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, in contrast, the issue of magic is still a rather neglected area of study. Apart from the study of witchcraft and apart from ethnologists or anthropologists, whose research interests usually include present or recent case studies and phenomena, the subject of magic has not yet received due attention from historians and other scholars of the humanities of the region. This can be partly explained by the fact that while communist policy with its stress on the class struggle preferred certain topics, mainly political, economic and social history, it practically brought other fields and research interests to a standstill.
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In his fundamental article on the diffusion of Arabic magical texts in Western Europe, David Pingree made a remarkable observation. He noticed that copies of magical texts “found an attentive audience only after about (...) 1400 in Central Europe.” The research I have been carrying out in the latest years is closely related to Pingree’s remark. My investigations focus on Central European sources of learned magic found in 15th century manuscripts. These texts include a wide variety of branches from the relatively innocent practices of natural magic, which operates with the secret correspondences of the world and with the marvellous properties of its objects (to be found in lapidaries, bestiaries, books of marvels, and books of secrets), through the more manipulative methods of image magic or talismanic magic (presented in the famous Picatrix, in Thebit ben Corath’s De imaginibus, in a range of hermetic texts), to arrive finally at the practices of ritual magic, that is the science of acquiring knowledge about unknown, future, and hidden phenomena with the help of the invocation of angels and demons.
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The Czech Renaissance man of letters Václav Hájek of Libočany explained the representations of kingfishers and half naked bathmaidens that he saw painted on some Prague buildings, as records of saucy affairs from the life of the King Bohemia Wenceslas IV. He developed in this way the image of a bad and immoral ruler, coined by the many political and religious enemies acquired by Wenceslas during the almost forty years of his turbulent rule around the year 1400. Three and a half centuries later, Julius Schlosser, the art historian writing in Freud’s Vienna in the 80s of the 19th century, recognized an extensive group of similar symbolic images in the margins of Wenceslas’ illuminated codices. He called them emblems and explained them as a form of aesthetic sublimation of the erotic relationship between the king and his second wife Sophia of Bavaria. In the 1960s, the Czech art historian Josef Krása recognized the deepest sense of the complex symbolic meanings of these images in a celebration of natural life, as opposed to the fetters of social conventions.
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The theme of the history of alchemy is usually neglected by historians in Slovakia or regarded in the context of the history of science and technology as marginal. However, irrespective of this point of view, it is possible to record the existence of alchemy, regarded in the literature of the time sometimes as an art (ars) and sometimes as a science (scientia), and its turbulent flourishing in the Renaissance period and later, whether in European or Slovak history. It had an important influence on contemporary society, including science, culture and politics and analysis of this area would require more detailed research. There are various works devoted to aspects of this problem in Slovakia, dealing with alchemy in the context of the history of the natural sciences in Slovakia, but a general work summarizing the partial findings has not been published so far, in contrast to Czech and Polish historiography.
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Chiliasm or millenarianism is nothing else but eschatology contemplated on the Earth, a doctrine about final things, which includes also the Last Judgement. We can find several allusions to this event in the Scriptures. A number of people have declared the nearness of that terrible hour; we think of the Last Day, of Heaven and Hell. These issues are connected with the return of Jesus, the resurrection of the dead, the end of the World, eternity and with the forthcoming Kingdom of God. Several theologians interpret Christ’s return (resurrection) as the age of perfect welfare and peace within the framework of a given empire on Earth. As the Apocrypha (e.g. the Letter of Barnabas, Book of Enoch etc.) says, this Heavenly state is just a period of transition between the existing time and eternity.
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This paper is designed to show some rituals succeeding theft of the Moldavian Chango villages, which have been practiced with the same features presumably since the 19th century. We attempt to explain the social historical causes of the “cultural conservation,” for this reason we try to outline the historical context in which these offensive magic rituals have taken shape. In Moldavia there was no witch-hunt and the reason for this fact is questionable. Perhaps there was not because this method of curing was not known and practiced by the elite, by the Church, or probably because the adequate popular beliefs and institutions, which could have supported it, were lacking. Without the records from the witch-hunts we have hardly any sources about the bygone role of magic. As a result of the socio-economic isolation the waves of modernization were fairly late in this region, therefore many elements of the practice of magic have remained with medieval continuity up to now. Thus we can nevertheless identify the past features from the techniques being practiced today and from their narratives kept in the collective remembrance. Although we have still not analysed the functioning of the system as a whole, we can draw attention to some significant characteristics. This is especially justified, since an intensive modernization of Moldavia is now in progress, which has taken decades in the case of other regions and ethnic groups. Owing to the loss of language being advanced because of assimilation, those narratives from which we could reconstruct the past features of the magic penal system and from which we could interpret its present forms of realization could disappear within a short time.
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Pod všeobecným pomenovaním „Thurzovci“ alebo „Thurzo“ si každý predstavuje niekoho iného. Pritom tých historicky významných Thurzovcov nebolo až tak veľa, ak si uvedomíme, že v porovnaní s inými aristokratickými rodmi žili Thurzovci (aspoň historicky) relatívne krátko, len niečo cez dve storočia (1430–1636). O to viac musí vyniknúť závratnosť kariéry, ktorú za dve storočia urobili. A boli práve na vrchole svojej slávy a bohatstva, keď ich postihla nepriazeň osudu, že ich rod vymrel v mužskej línii.
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Vo výskume uhorských správnych, politických a vojenskohistorických dejín 16. – 17. storočia sú vzťahy palatína a stolíc stále marginálnou témou. Najúplnejšie sprístupnenie prameňov sa uskutočnilo ešte v polovici 19. storočia: Károly Ráth (1829–1868) publikoval z bohatého archívu Rábskej stolice listy palatína Mikuláša Esterházyho (1625–1645) adresované stolici, Iván Nagy (1824–1898) zase listy a mandáty palatína Františka Wesselényiho Novohradskej stolici. Nasledujúca štúdia nadväzne na tieto výskumy načrtáva vzťah palatína Juraja Thurzu a dvoch stolíc západného Zadunajska, a to zo špeciálneho hľadiska, zo strany týchto úradov, na základe rozkazov palatína, mandátov, resp. stoličných zápisníc a intimátov. Žiaľ, z daného obdobia sú pramenné základne úplne rozdielne. Kým v stolici Vaš sa zachovala zápisnica z daného obdobia, v archíve rodu Batthyány v Pinkafelde sa objavili aj palatínove listy adresované stolici, zatiaľ Šopronská stolica z týchto rokov nemá ani zápisnicu z kongregácií, a aj z listov a mandátov palatína, adresovaných stolici, sa zachovalo len zopár.
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Štátny archív v Bytči je spätý s rodom Thurzovcovhneď z dvoch dôvodov: v prvom rade preto, lebo archív je umiestnený v objekte renesančného kaštieľa, ktorý dal v rokoch 1571–1574 vybudovať František Thurzo a ktorý sa neskôr stal obľúbeným sídlom palatína Juraja Thurzu. Okrem toho archív medzi viac ako 600 fondmi a zbierkami spravuje aj písomnosti Oravského komposesorátu, ktorý obsahuje dokumenty, vzťahujúce sa na rod Thurzovcov. Presnejšie – najväčšiu časť v porovnaní s inými fondmi. Je symbolické, že písomnosti, ktoré vznikali za života palatína, sú z veľkej časti dodnes uložené v priestoroch zámku.
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The lives of the Franciscan Matija Divković (1563–1631) and of the Đakovopriest Ivan Grličić (cir. 1670 – post-1708) are marked by several commonalities: birth place (Jelaške, Olovo), living abroad in Italy for philosophical-theological studies, and pastoral work in the province of Bosna Srebrena. This paper focuses on their role in the earl y phase of catechism literature and their subjective catechetical strategies. Divkovićʼs catechisms– large Nauk krstjanski (1611) and small Nauk krstjanski (1616)belong to the first period of post-Tridentine Catholicism, and they are intended for the people of Bosnia. Grličićʼs catechism Put nebeski (1707) has characteristics of the second period of post-Tridentine Catholicism, and it is known as “the first Slavonian catechism.” These catechisms are compilations of different sources, including the catechism of Robert Bellarmin (1542–1621) as a main common source. It is important to note the authors’ subjective contributions to specific concepts and genres, which express their own views and interpretations on particular subjects of everyday life.This research is focused on the discourse of everyday life (religion, family,human life and honor, sexuality...) the Ten Commandments. Taking into consideration the authors’ temporal and spatial specificities, the paper attempts to explain models for cultural identity and religious formation in the post-Tridentine period.
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