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Voting on the Croatian-Hungarian Settlement in the Croatian Sabor marked the beginning of the half-century struggle of Croatian politicians against the Settlement. Only in a small part of the political and general public, especially where the unionist idea had deeper roots (Slavonia being the best example), the Settlement was enthusiastically hailed as the renewal of the ancient union with Hungary. Most of the political public was filled with indignation at the final result of the negotiations, especially the two opposition parties – Strossmayer’s National Party and Starčević’s and Kvaternik’s Party of Rights.
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A new crisis in the Croatian-Hungarian relations broke out in 1883 and resulted in the resignation of Ladislav Pejačević from the post of the Croatian Ban. Like his predecessor Mažuranić, Pejačević clashed with the Hungarian government in Budapest, this time the reason being the imposition of the Hungarian language in the Croatian territory. In the summer of 1883, bilingual Croatian-Hungarian inscriptions were placed at the financial offices in Croatia and Slavonia, and in relation to the Financial Administration in Zagreb provoked anti-Hungarian protests that spread beyond Zagreb, although their echo was weak in Slavonia and Osijek. In the text of the Croatian-Hungarian Settlement, Pejačević saw no basis for bilingual signs to be placed anywhere, not even in public offices, and he refused to give in to Hungarian pressure, preferring to resign on August 24, 1883.
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Among the youngest generation of Croatian emigrants who left Croatia from the mid 1950s onward through academic stipends offered by western countries or by crossing the border illegally there was a liberal-democratic current best expressed after 1958 by the journal Hrvatski bilten, which changed its name in the following year to Nova Hrvatska. The journal was published monthly in London from 1959 until 1974; from 1974 until 1990 it was published bi-weekly. Jakša Kušan was the editor of the journal during the whole of this time. Like other emigrant groups, this group supported national in-dependence for Croatia, but the realization of this ideal – unlike nationalists on the radical right – was proposed from the perspective of liberal values and with the vision of a constitutional democratic state in mind. The journal was interested in themes from national history and the life of Croats under the Communist regime, providing information about current political events in Yugoslavia and Croatia, especially about opposition activities.
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Milan Shuflay duket se ka dhënë thelbin e lidhjeve mes shqiptarëve e malazezëve në mesjetë, kur pohonte se “Zeta dhe Shqipëria e veriut përbënin një fytyrë biologjike të veçantë: ishin të lidhura me të njëjtën tokë plastike, me të njëjtin gjak ilir e me të njëjtat peripeci historike”. Në fakt, e gjithë kjo trevë e Ballkanit perëndimor e ka përcjellur në të njëjtën mënyrë momentin kryesor të ndryshimeve të mëdha etnike e kulturore në Ballkan, atë të dyndjeve e të kolonizimit sllav.
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U neposrednoj blizini grada Zadra u Dalmaciji smjestilo se naselje Arbanasi, koje je dobilo naziv po katoličkim Albancima koji su se onamo doselili iz okolice Skadarskoga jezera u prvoj polovini 18. stoljeća. Sve do današnjih dana sačuvali su doseljeni Arbanasi svoje gegijsko narječje, kao i mnoge značajke narodne kulture.
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Është e njohur që pas kryqëzatës (një mijë e dyqind e trenjë mijë e dyqind e katër) sundoi në vendin e Shqipërisë së sotme trubullirë që keqësohej nga kontraditat midis grekëve, sllavëve, anzhuinëve dhe në disa qytete të fuqishme italiane që përbënin një faktor të fuqishëm ekonomik në tokën dhe bregdetin e Ilirisë. Kjo gjëndje që kishte dobësuar akoma më shumë sundimin qëndror të Kostadinopojës lehtësonte për hapjen e popullatës shqiptare drejt jugut.
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Mbretëria Shqiptare, si një ngrehinë shtetërore e hershme dhe e rëndësishme, e shfaqur në pjesën veriore të Azerbajxhanit të sotëm, shtrihej nga Kaukazi i Vogël, në rrjedhën e poshtme të lumenjve Kura dhe Araks, deri në degëzimet verilindore të vargmaleve të Kaukazit të Sipërm. Shqiptarët kaukazianë, sikurse shprehej Straboni, jetonin midis “Iberikëve dhe Detit Kaspik”.
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Die ersten albanischen StudentInnen gingen genau zu jener Zeit nach Österreich-Ungarn, als das Osmanische Reich bemüht war, seine Strukturen nach den großen Aufständen in den albanischen Territorien wieder zu festigen. Diese StudentInnen, die aus patriotischen Familien stammten, fanden in der Habsburgermonarchie, die ihnen Bildung und Kultur vermittelte, einen idealen Nährboden zur Entwicklung patriotischer, kultureller und literarischer Aktivitäten zugunsten der Albanischen Frage. Ihre Tätigkeiten waren anfangs individueller Natur, sowohl innerhalb der albanischen Territorien als auch außerhalb in den albanischen Kolonien.
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Pisanje o sodobnih diasporičnih procesov smotrno pripomore k razumevanju vloge, ki jo ima albanska diaspora v kontekstu albanske družbe in pri opredeljevanju odnosa, ki se oblikuje “tam nekje” med domovino in Albanci po svetu. V pričujočem članku ki je sestavljen nekako iz dveh” pa pol” delov, se povzame rele vantno literaturo o globalni mobilnosti in modernih diasporah. Deloma se članek osredotoča na konkretni primer albanske diaspore, ki je, kot politični subjekt, prišla na kosovsko prizorišče šele s procesom razkosanja albanskega etničnega prostora in po albanskm osamosvajanj na začetku XX. stoletja.
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From one point of view, foreign cultural policy covers a cultural dimension of foreign policy on both bilateral and multilateral levels, and it belongs to the area of traditional diplomatic relations, thematically coming under the area of culture. The very visible means used in this dimension include mostly bilateral agreements on cultural cooperation. From another point of view, foreign cultural policy means cultural diplomacy, which can be seen as a part of public diplomacy and its practice. It is orientated mainly on a foreign public and wants to present the country’s own culture to other states and their public while creating a positive image of the state abroad through cultural activities. Such an image can help to achieve other political priorities precisely via helping to create a positive image and good reputation for the given country on the international scene.
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The essence of this work is dedicated to the Elementary School "25. maj" in the village of DelimeĎ in Tutina, and its concrete reason is the already completed hundred years of work and existence of this school. However, wanting to cover the topic as comprehensively as possible, the author gave the topic itself a broader context. Namely, in addition to the fact that the concrete course of time and the existence of the school itself through space and time, from its foundation to the present day, is dealt with, the paper pays additional attention to the historical context that preceded the school's creation, as well as demographic trends, geographical environment, and living conditions. , peaceful and troubled times, and socio-political events and happenings in the last three centuries. In the paper, the main emphasis is placed on the elementary school in DelimeĎ and the centenary period of its existence. The essence of this work is dedicated to the Elementary School "25. maj" in the village of Delimeđ in Tutina, and its concrete reason is the already completed hundred years of work and existence of this school. However, wanting to cover the topic as comprehensively as possible, the author gave the topic itself a broader context. Namely, in addition to the fact that the concrete course of time and the existence of the school itself through space and time, from its foundation to the present day, is dealt with, the paper pays additional attention to the historical context that preceded the school's creation, as well as demographic trends, geographical environment, and living conditions. , peaceful and troubled times, and socio-political events and happenings in the last three centuries. In the paper, the main emphasis is placed on the elementary school in Delimeđ and the centenary period of its existence.
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