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The interests of the European Union and its member states and those of the United States are divergent if not mutually exclusive on a range of issues. During the first six months of Donald Trump’s presidency, such differences came into sharp relief. Nevertheless, there are still a number of issues in transatlantic relations on which cooperation continues to be good due to shared security priorities. Other than drug and weapons trafficking, an excellent example is the fight against terrorism. Close cooperation in combatting terrorism began after the 9/11 al-Qaeda attack on America. Ties grew even closer after the terrorist attacks on Europe, first in Madrid on March 11, 2004, and then in London on July 7-21, 2005. Another factor was the escalation of threats from ISIS.
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Osoba československého (čs.) politika a diplomata Zdeňka Fierlingera vzbuzovala, vzbuzuje a bude vzbuzovat celou řadu otázek, spojených zejména s jeho kontroverzním vystupováním v roli čs. (vel)vyslance v Sovětském svazu za druhé světové války. Je s podivem, že ač jeho úloha v posilování sovětského vlivu na Československo je zcela nepopiratelná, až doposud nevznikla na toto téma žádná větší práce, ba neexistuje ani žádná jeho biografie.
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Súčasťou postupu príslušných orgánov československého ministerstva národnej obrany (MNO) v Londýne v rámci príprav prevratu na domácom území bola aj problematika slovenskej armády, resp. možnosti jej využitia a zapojenia do likvidácie režimu Slovenskej republiky a aktívneho vystúpenia proti nacistickému Nemecku. Až do vypuknutia Slovenského národného povstania tu prevládala nielen nádej, že v slovenskej armáde sa nájdu sily, ktoré ju dokážu previesť na platformu československé- ho odboja, ale aj skepsa, pochybnosti a nedôvera voči jej vyššiemu dôstojníckemu zboru. Dokumentuje to úroveň pozornosti akú v priebehu rokov 1941 – 1944 československé MNO venovalo rozpracovaniu opatrení na prípravu prevratu či povstania na Slovensku, meniaci sa charakter úloh a rozsah cieľov, ale aj prístup k riešeniu personálnych otázok.
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Cieľom tohto príspevku je poukázať na vývoj bezpečnostnej situácie v československo-poľskom, resp. slovensko-poľskom pohraničí v období rokov 1945 – 1947, a to jednak na inkorporovanom území a jednak na slovenskej strane hranice. Časový rámec skúmanej problematiky sa začína oslobodením týchto oblastí Červenou armá- dou a končí rokom 1947, ktorý sa najmä v kontexte podpísania československo-poľskej zmluvy o priateľstve, spolupráci a vzájomnej pomoci stal istým prelomom vo vzťahoch medzi Československom a Poľskom. Štúdiu ponímame ako príspevok k diskusii, ktorá prebieha v slovenskej a poľskej historiografii a v komunite „poľských“ Slovákov na Hornej Orave a Spiši o niektorých aspektoch povojnového vývoja na tomto území. Opierame sa v nej predovšetkým o výsledky vlastného výskumu v archívoch Slovenskej republiky a Českej republiky.
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The Russian–Ukrainian crisis, which began in 2014, marks the end of an era in which both the Slovak political class, including the wider public, shared a common understanding of the country’s foreign policy priorities. This is the first time since the preaccession period of Slovakia’s foreign policy (before 2004) that the country’s political leaders have voiced conflicting narratives regarding an international crisis – including an interpretation of its nature, its meaning for the national interests of Slovakia, and how to respond to it. This article offers an analytical overview of Slovakia’s Eastern policy during 2017, which continued to involve the diverging lines presented by leading representatives of Slovak politics.
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The drift of supportism in Morocco: The drifts of the supportorism have become recurrent, through this article, we propose to synthesize the provisions of Law 09-09 which addresses violence and vandalism in stadiums to show the difficulties of its application, demonstrate the inadequacy of the police approach and make recommendations to make the show enjoyable again.
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Parallel with the „wartime“ formation of the „New“ or Tito’s Yugoslavia and its armed forces, the process of founding of the security apparatus was also going on. The fact that the war against the occupiers was at the same time a civil war and a thoroughgoing socialist revolution, additionally stressed the importance of well organized and well trained security and intelligence agencies. No doubt, ties established with USSR during the war as well as the known experiences of the October Revolution, civil wars in USSR and in Spain, had a strong impact on the way the Yugoslav security apparatus was formed and used. The split with USSR which came about in 1948 and which influenced this sphere too, would entail stressing autochthonous development or unconscious neglect or total omission of the foreign (speak: Soviet) influence in subsequent research.
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У раду се сагледавају антифашистички ставови дела руске емиграције у Југославији уочи Другог светског рата. Истраживање се базира на анализи чланака Руског архива, часописа који је на српском језику издавао Научни институт београдског одељења Земгора. У часопису су били штампани бројни радови који су аргументовано наговештавали очигледну претњу СССР-у од нацистичке Немачке и Јапана. Званични представник београдског одељења Земгора је био Ф. Е. Махин. Подједнако важну улогу у тој организацији имао је и В. И. Лебедев, чији животни пут није био ништа мање противречан и неизвестан од живота његовог колеге и партијског друга Махина. Обојица у почетком 20. века припадали истој партији – Партији социјалиста - револуционара.
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Stereotipna percepcija žene u kontekstu rata, mira i sigurnosti obično je slika viktimizirane žene koja je žrtva rata upravo zbog svoje rodne uloge. Vrlo rijetko se žene vide ne samo kao učesnice u ratu, nego kao te koje su aktivne učesnice i u postratnoj izgradnji društva i, pogotovo, afirmacije koncepta sigurnosti. Ipak, ženski mirovni, antiratni i antimilitaristički aktivizam i njihova uključenost u pitanja rata, mira i sigurnosti ima dugu tradiciju. U ovom tekstu dat je pregled osnovnih koncepata koji su značajni s aspekta promatranja roda unutar ovog specifičnog konteksta. U tom smislu koncentrisat ću se na implementaciju međunarodnih dokumenata, ponajviše UN Rezolucije 1325, kao jednog od najznačajnijih instrumenata u adresiranju rodne perspektive u kontekstu konflikta, te ću se fokusirati na aktivnosti koje je BiH poduzela u implementaciji. Pored toga, adresirat ću pitanje rodno zasnovanog nasilja nad ženama u situacijama oružanog sukoba kao jednog od najčešćih problema s kojima se žene suočavaju. Na kraju ću dati kratki pregled ženskog mirovnog aktivizma u BiH.
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Krajem 2016 – ove jeseni sledi nova, već treća po redu zajednička taktička vežba specijalnih vojnih jedinica Srbije i Rusije. Prva vežba je održana 2014, s epicentrom uvežbavanih postupaka u Sremu, na vojno-školskom poligonu u Nikincima. Druga, naredne 2015, u zoni Novorasijska u Rusiji, tada i uz učešće još i vojnih jednica Belorusije. A, ovogodišnja, koja je već najavljena, ali datum njenog održavanja nije preciziran, vraća se ponovo na teren Srbije, ma da, ovog trenutka još bez objavljene lokacije očekivanog dešavanja. Nema ni drugih, javnosti ponuđenih podrobnosti o predstojećem vojnom vežbanju, osim informacije da će akteri biti jedinice za antiterorističke operacije.
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Opredelenje Crne Gore da udje u NATO izazvalo je krajnje negativnu reakciju Rusije. Od kada je dobila poziv za NATO članstvo Rusija je pojačala svoje prisustvo u Crnoj Gori kako bi poslala poruku Zapadu, ali I Srbiji ukoliko krene istim putem. Zvanična Crna Gora I premijer Milo Djukanović na poziv NATO gledaju kao na ogroman uspeh Crne Gore i priznanje za reforme koje ona sprovodi. Djukanović ističe da je to važan korak u pravcu učvršćivanja regionalne, evropske i svetske bezbednosti, koji će takodje ubrzati i put Crne Gore u EU. On posebno ističe da je članstvo u NATO najefikasniji i najracionalniji način da se osigura i nagli priliv investicija, što je za crnogorsku ekonomiju principejelno važan faktor. Djukanović je podvukao da je poziv Crnoj Gori za članstvo istorijski dan, najznačajniji posle referenduma 2006. godine, jer Crna Gora ulazi u ekskluzivni krug zemalja koje su sinonim najboljih vrednosti savremene civilizacije
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The trends that emerged after Ukraine’s “Revolution of Dignity” and the annexation of Crimea in 2014 which led to the deep crisis in relations between the West and Russia were again a key factor in Slovakia’s Eastern Policy in 2018. Relations with Russia, and subsequently Ukraine, remain a strong dividing line within Slovak society. As proposed by President Andrej Kiska, in October 2017, Slovakia’s three highest officials – President A. Kiska, Prime Minister Robert Fico and Speaker of the National Council Andrej Danko adopted a common declaration on the country’s common priorities in the EUand NATO. It stated “unequivocally continuing in a pro-European and pro-Atlantic direction is in the strategic interest of the Slovak Republic.” They stressed their desire to improve the security of citizens “by implementing the updated Security Strategy, Defense Strategy, and Military Strategy of the Slovak Republic” and that this would “support Slovakia’s future inside the core of European integration.”
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The ‘lessons learned’ by the European Union in crisis management largely result from the EU’s considerable experience in the Western Balkans, which has helped it to develop its capabilities, institutions and instruments in the European Commission and the Council General Secretariat. A full range of civilianand military crisis-management tools, as well as development and humanitarian assistance, have been put into practice in support of the reconstruction of the Western Balkans, where the EU is now the lead international actor. This chapter concentrates on the implementation of EU efforts towards police reform in Macedonia, where the EU supports the peace process and seeks to bring the country closer to the EU. It provides an assessment of coherence at the operational level between inter-governmental and Community instruments, as well as cooperation between EU operations and other international actors active on the ground.
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The EU has made great strides in the development of its European security and defence policy (ESDP) and its regional presence in the Western Balkans as a security actor. Yet the success of its police and military crisis management to date has been hampered by problems of a steep institutional learning curve over the design and implementation of missions and the decision making structures in Brussels. This chapter analyses the design of the existing missions and asks whether they are appropriate and relevant for their effective implementation and for meeting their declared goals in the field. It shows that missions have suffered from difficulties in their design, problems in attracting appropriate personnel and issues of inter- and intra-pillar coordination, and therefore coherence.
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We were fortunate in having ahead of the meeting three thoughtful, broad-spectrum papers from which to work. All three of the authors of the papers were asked by the Chairman to pronounce on the validity of the ‘Greater Middle East’ (GME) concept. Michael Stürmer, who made the first presentation, commented that there is a certainunity to the region, notably in terms of the problems it shares. In referring to his paper, he warned against the American tendency to see democracy as apanacea, as it takes a very long time indeed to establish democracy in cultural terms. In the interval, the Americans should make sure that they really want what they say they want.
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No matter the reason, recent immigration from the Middle East to Turkey is not just a 'displacement'. It will have a deep and lasting impact on people. Migrant individuals and groups are forced to rethink their perspectives on the world and their personal values deradicalizing themselves as a consequence. This radical position is usually a result of the strife affecting their peace and comfort at home. Migration, if it is caused by civil war, or other traumatic events, may lead to the reversal of values or increased radical returns to their cultural and ethical values and beliefs. An immigrant who is deliberating between nihilism and radicalism has to try various ways to solve this dilemma.
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“Migration is an expression of the human aspiration for dignity, safety and a better future. It is part of the social fabric, part of our very make up as a human family.” (Ban Ki-moon) Forced migration is the coerced movement of people from their country of nationality or habitual residence. The phenomenon presents challenges which affect the individual, their receiving communities, and then become a highly-politicalized issue which transcends borders. Although Australia has historically been built on migration flows, its island-nature underpins a national psyche of rigorous border control, clearly contrasting the European situation where flows of people have been a constant theme throughout history. We explore Australia’s approach to dealing with those forced migrants who have arrived by boat without a valid visa (thus, "unauthorized maritime arrivals"), detailing a) the impact of policies and law, b) the practical disorder following certain policy application, c) the financial and human cost, d) the juxtaposition of Australia’s current policy, which acts to deter "unauthorized maritime arrivals" while simultaneously increasing the number of authorized refugee arrivals in response to acknowledged human crises. Finally, we explore the repercussions that arise when a human issue becomes a political tool.
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1.35 milyar civarında nüfusa sahip olan Çin, bir taraftan “nükleer güç” diğer taraftan Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi’nin daimi üyesi olarak 21. yüzyılın başında dünya politikasının önemli bir aktörü olarak öne çıkmaktadır. 1978’de Deng Xiaoping’in başlattığı reformlar ve Çin’i dış dünyaya açma süreci ile Çin’in dünya tarihinde örneği olmayan modernleşme süreci başlamış ve Çin bu süreçte, dünya politikasının pasif konumdaki önemli oyuncusu olmuştur. Deng, bunu yaparken dış politikada Çin’in geri planda kalmasını benimsemiş ve Çin’in “kendi zamanını beklemesini ve o vakte kadar uluslararası ortamda hiçbir şekilde hâkim güç rolüne talip olmamasɪnɪ” temel devlet stratejisi olarak benimsemiştir. Deng’in küresel hesaplara bağlı bu stratejisi, Çin’in fazla dikkat çekmeden kendi gelişimini devam ettirebilmesi için uygun görülmüştür.
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