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Ръководство за наблюдение на принудително връщане

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The governance of migration flows largely depends on the development of an effective system for returning illegally staying foreigners. Forced return is seen as a "last resort" in the prevention of irregular migration and should be subject to the principles of proportionality and not exceeding reasonable force. In this regard, there is agreement that monitoring of return not only brings openness and clarity on the conditions and treatment, but represents an additional guarantee for the return of persons, including those with special protection needs. In this context, the introduction of an independent and effective monitoring mechanism is a key aspect for the development of the overall framework for forced return in accordance with Directive 2008/115/EC. The aim of the Handbook for forced return monitoring is to provide practical guidance and recommendations to independent observers and standardised report for forced return monitoring. This Handook is developed within the Annual Programme 2013 in scheme grants BG / RF (3) - 2013 "Forced return monitoring" by the Center for the Study of Democracy.

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Аналитичен доклад: Наблюдение на принудителното връщане в България

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The governance of migration flows largely depends on the development of an effective system for returning illegally staying foreigners. Forced return is seen as a "last resort" in the fight against illegal migration and should be subject to the principles of proportionality and not exceeding the reasonable force. In this regard, there is agreement that the monitoring not only brings openness and clarity on the conditions and treatment, but represents an additional guarantee for the return of persons, including those with special protection needs. In this context, the introduction of an independent and effective monitoring mechanism is a key aspect for the development of the overall framework for forced return in accordance with Directive 2008/115/EC. The aim of the developed Analytical report: Monitoring of the forced return in Bulgaria is to present an analysis on the existing legal and institutional framework in the area of forced return in Bulgaria and to make general recommendations for the development of a national mechanism to forced return monitoring. This Analytical report is developed within the Annual Programme 2013 in scheme grants BG / RF (3) - 2013 "Forced return monitoring" by the Center for the Study of Democracy.

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Anti-Corruption Policies Revisited: WP9 Organised crime and impact on vulnerable groups (ANTICORRP Integrated Report)

Author(s): Salvatore Sberna,Alberto Vannucci,Tihomir Bezlov,Dimitar Markov,Maria Karayotova,Ana Hećimović,Iva Nenadić,Munir Podumljak,Péter Gyimesi,Szidónia Nagy,Boróka Pápay,Zoltán Szántó,István János Tóth,Edona Krasniqi / Language(s): English

This integrated report investigates the link between political corruption and organised crime, by examining the modalities, resources and strategies used by criminal groups to govern and/or capture the market of political corruption. On the one hand, the report looks at the infiltration of organised crime in three main policy sectors where public spending and regulations play a pivotal role: public procurement, the privatization of public services, and management of EU funds. Alongside this, the report also analyses the criminal penetration of electoral politics, by evaluating the influence that criminal organisations can achieve in electoral arenas. As a result, the report provides a general assessment of policy regulations, legal countermeasures and practices adopted to prevent and combat organised crime, especially in interaction with political corruption. The report is drawn from data collected in five European countries (Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungary, Italy, Kosovo) across the above themes, and includes two more countries for the assessment of anti-organised crime legislation and initiatives (Albania and Georgia). The methodology involves both extensive and intensive strategies of investigation. A quantitative assessment of the crime and politics nexus is based on the Organised Crime & Corruption (OCC) events database, in which events data about the link between criminal groups and political corruption have been gathered and assembled1. A qualitative assessment involves in-depth understanding of the mechanisms of corrupt exchanges, presented as single case studies conducted in the countries covered by this study, inclusive of primary and secondary sources (interviews, legal proceedings, academic and policy-oriented reports). Data collection and analyses were conducted by five institutions across Europe (EUI, CSD, BCE, IKS, PSD).

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Bulgaria: National Energy Security Indicators and Policy Challenges (Country factsheet)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The country factsheets present a critical review of the energy security governance in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and map the main policy challenges faced by these countries in facilitating more transparent and data-driven decision making. The national and regional energy security of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries has become a hot topic of discussion in the EU recently, focusing the attention of experts, policy makers, and the general public on ongoing and future energy projects but also on the features of energy governance in these countries. The fragile democratic traditions in the CEE countries, the existing networks of political protectionism and economic oligarchy, and the opaque business practices nurtured by corruption and links with organized crime, have been reinforced by the negative implications of Russian economic and geo-political influence. Russia has exploited its dominant position in the energy market and its long-term links with certain political and economic groups to shape political decisions across the region according to its own interests, but often to the detriment of the home country consumers. A major governance challenge for Bulgaria, Serbia and Ukraine is the lack of political agreement on a long-term national energy strategy with supporting financial instruments, which would lower the ad-hoc decision making, often related to suspicions of being influenced by private political and economic interests. Romania championed the group in terms of good energy governance due to the improved independence of the national energy regulator with the adoption of new legislation in 2012, as well as due to the continuing overall strong performance in the fight against corruption in the country. The governance of the state-owned energy enterprises in CEE is heavily influenced by political interference, distorting their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly visible in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The politically mandated downward pressure on electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania, and Serbia increases further the vulnerability of their energy sectors. The heavy dependence on a single source and route of gas supply is the major energy security risk for all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, it is coupled with heavy dependence on oil import from the same country – Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have undertaken diversification efforts, Serbia seems to favour the status quo, even at the expense of paying one of the highest wholesale prices of natural gas in Europe.

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Romania: National Energy Security Indicators and Policy Challenges

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The country factsheets present a critical review of the energy security governance in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and map the main policy challenges faced by these countries in facilitating more transparent and data-driven decision making. The national and regional energy security of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries has become a hot topic of discussion in the EU recently, focusing the attention of experts, policy makers, and the general public on ongoing and future energy projects but also on the features of energy governance in these countries. The fragile democratic traditions in the CEE countries, the existing networks of political protectionism and economic oligarchy, and the opaque business practices nurtured by corruption and links with organized crime, have been reinforced by the negative implications of Russian economic and geo-political influence. Russia has exploited its dominant position in the energy market and its long-term links with certain political and economic groups to shape political decisions across the region according to its own interests, but often to the detriment of the home country consumers. A major governance challenge for Bulgaria, Serbia and Ukraine is the lack of political agreement on a long-term national energy strategy with supporting financial instruments, which would lower the ad-hoc decision making, often related to suspicions of being influenced by private political and economic interests. Romania championed the group in terms of good energy governance due to the improved independence of the national energy regulator with the adoption of new legislation in 2012, as well as due to the continuing overall strong performance in the fight against corruption in the country. The governance of the state-owned energy enterprises in CEE is heavily influenced by political interference, distorting their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly visible in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The politically mandated downward pressure on electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania, and Serbia increases further the vulnerability of their energy sectors. The heavy dependence on a single source and route of gas supply is the major energy security risk for all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, it is coupled with heavy dependence on oil import from the same country – Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have undertaken diversification efforts, Serbia seems to favour the status quo, even at the expense of paying one of the highest wholesale prices of natural gas in Europe.

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Ukraine: National Energy Security Indicators and Policy Challenges (Country factsheet)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The country factsheets present a critical review of the energy security governance in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and map the main policy challenges faced by these countries in facilitating more transparent and data-driven decision making. The national and regional energy security of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries has become a hot topic of discussion in the EU recently, focusing the attention of experts, policy makers, and the general public on ongoing and future energy projects but also on the features of energy governance in these countries. The fragile democratic traditions in the CEE countries, the existing networks of political protectionism and economic oligarchy, and the opaque business practices nurtured by corruption and links with organized crime, have been reinforced by the negative implications of Russian economic and geo-political influence. Russia has exploited its dominant position in the energy market and its long-term links with certain political and economic groups to shape political decisions across the region according to its own interests, but often to the detriment of the home country consumers. A major governance challenge for Bulgaria, Serbia and Ukraine is the lack of political agreement on a long-term national energy strategy with supporting financial instruments, which would lower the ad-hoc decision making, often related to suspicions of being influenced by private political and economic interests. Romania championed the group in terms of good energy governance due to the improved independence of the national energy regulator with the adoption of new legislation in 2012, as well as due to the continuing overall strong performance in the fight against corruption in the country. The governance of the state-owned energy enterprises in CEE is heavily influenced by political interference, distorting their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly visible in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The politically mandated downward pressure on electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania, and Serbia increases further the vulnerability of their energy sectors. The heavy dependence on a single source and route of gas supply is the major energy security risk for all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, it is coupled with heavy dependence on oil import from the same country – Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have undertaken diversification efforts, Serbia seems to favour the status quo, even at the expense of paying one of the highest wholesale prices of natural gas in Europe.

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Миграция и вътрешна сигурност. Предизвикателствата пред миграционните политики на Европейския съюз и България

Author(s): Denislava Simeonova / Language(s): Bulgarian

Traditionally, migration processes are examined in the context of the labor market, humanitarian crises or social integration. The present study reveals a new dimension of migration which is considered one of the new security risks. The first chapter of the paper defines the various forms of migration with a focus on the consequences of illegal immigration. The second part discusses immigration as a threat to the public order and societal security in the EU member states and looks into the main stages of development of an EU immigration policy. After a review of the most important political and legal documents of the EU since the 80s, the study concludes that despite the active work of both the member states and the European Commission, currently a common European policy in the field of immigration does not exist. Further, the study examines the new trends in migration to the EU and the challenges to the establishment of a European “area of security, freedom and justice”, such as the anti-terrorism measures and the need for “replacement migration” due to the demographic changes. The third chapter is dedicated to Bulgaria as a country of origin and transit for immigrants to the EU. The main conclusion is that Bulgarian citizens represent a small percentage of the total number of immigrants in the EU and do not put its integrity and social security at risk. Particular attention is paid to the achievements of Bulgaria in harmonizing its immigration legislation with the “acquis communautaire” as well as to the need of further institutional and legislative improvements. The study also touches upon the following issues: • Who are the immigrants in the European Union and do they pose a risk to the internal order and safety of the European citizens? • Is the post-enlargement “immigrant wave” realistic? • What is EU’s reaction to the immigration from third countries? • What is the Bulgarian immigration policy with regard to the future external border of the EU? • What are the “pushing” factors for the Bulgarian immigrants to the EU? • How the EU countries treat Bulgarian immigrants?

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Counter-Terrorism Measures of the Republic of Bulgaria. Implementing United Nations Resolutions Against Terrorism

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The CSD and Ministry of Foreign Affairs collected the main official documents related to the suppression of terrorism which had been adopted by the Bulgarian government and the UN Security Council. It provided a basis for discussion at the regional policy forum International Cooperation in Countering Terrorism held on June 27, 2002 in Sofia.

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Transit migration in Bulgaria

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The Working Party on Information of the Vienna Group, at its meeting of 17 February 1993, discussed the Feasibility Study on the Establishment of a Migration Information System submitted by IOM and recommended that IOM should start implementing such a program. Two substantial migration flows to Western Europe cross Bulgaria. The first one is made up of migrants from the Middle East who intend to migrate to Central and Western Europe (above all Germany and Austria). The flow that previously passed through former Yugoslavia has now been largely re-oriented through Romania. A second flow comes from the Newly Independent States (NIS) and Romania, crossing Bulgaria and entering Greece.

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БЪЛГАРИЯ: ИНДИКАТОРИ ЗА ЕНЕРГИЙНА СИГУРНОСТ И ПРЕДИЗВИКАТЕЛСТВА ПРЕД ПОЛИТИКИТЕ

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

National bulletins present a critical analysis of energy security management in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and highlight the major challenges faced by countries in their transition to more transparent and data-driven policy-making processes. The management of state energy enterprises in CEE is strongly influenced by political interference, violating their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly noticeable in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The political pressure to reduce electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania and Serbia further increases the vulnerability of their energy sectors.Strong dependence on a single source and route for gas supply is the most serious risk to energy security in all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, this risk is exacerbated by their dependence on imported oil from the same source - Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have made efforts for energy diversification, Serbia seems to support the current status quo, although it pays some of Europe's highest natural gas prices.

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РУМЪНИЯ: ИНДИКАТОРИ ЗА НАЦИОНАЛНА ЕНЕРГИЙНА СИГУРНОСТ И ПРЕДИЗВИКАТЕЛСТВА ПРЕД ПОЛИТИКАТА

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

National bulletins present a critical analysis of energy security management in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and highlight the major challenges faced by countries in their transition to more transparent and data-driven policy-making processes. The management of state energy enterprises in CEE is strongly influenced by political interference, violating their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly noticeable in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The political pressure to reduce electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania and Serbia further increases the vulnerability of their energy sectors.Strong dependence on a single source and route for gas supply is the most serious risk to energy security in all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, this risk is exacerbated by their dependence on imported oil from the same source - Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have made efforts for energy diversification, Serbia seems to support the current status quo, although it pays some of Europe's highest natural gas prices.

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SERBIA: NATIONAL ENERGY SECURITY INDICATORS AND POLICY CHALLENGES. Country factsheet

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

National bulletins present a critical analysis of energy security management in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and highlight the major challenges faced by countries in their transition to more transparent and data-driven policy-making processes. The management of state energy enterprises in CEE is strongly influenced by political interference, violating their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly noticeable in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The political pressure to reduce electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania and Serbia further increases the vulnerability of their energy sectors.Strong dependence on a single source and route for gas supply is the most serious risk to energy security in all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, this risk is exacerbated by their dependence on imported oil from the same source - Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have made efforts for energy diversification, Serbia seems to support the current status quo, although it pays some of Europe's highest natural gas prices.

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UKRAINE: NATIONAL ENERGY SECURITY INDICATORS AND POLICY CHALLENGES. Country factsheet

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

National bulletins present a critical analysis of energy security management in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and highlight the major challenges faced by countries in their transition to more transparent and data-driven policy-making processes. The management of state energy enterprises in CEE is strongly influenced by political interference, violating their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly noticeable in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The political pressure to reduce electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania and Serbia further increases the vulnerability of their energy sectors.Strong dependence on a single source and route for gas supply is the most serious risk to energy security in all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, this risk is exacerbated by their dependence on imported oil from the same source - Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have made efforts for energy diversification, Serbia seems to support the current status quo, although it pays some of Europe's highest natural gas prices.

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ДОБРО УПРАВЛЕНИЕ И ЕНЕРГИЙНА СИГУРНОСТ В БЪЛГАРИЯ. Policy Tracker: Енергийната политика на ЕС и Русия – предизвикателства и перспективи при спирането на газопровода „Южен поток“

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The present paper aims at tracking the development of the South Stream gas pipeline project from the perspectives of the EU and Russia, and in the context of the common EU external energy policy. The EU-Russia energy dialogue has become increasingly complicated since the two natural gas crises in 2006 and 2009, when the gas supply was cut for about two weeks due to a gas pricing dispute between Russia and Ukraine. Until then the energy relations between Europe and Russia have run smoothly as Gazprom had been perceived as a reliable supplier operating under long-term, oil-indexed contracts providing predictability of supplied volumes and prices. For producers such as Russia operating in a glut market, the most important goal was to preserve their market share in Europe. An eventual supply disruption would discredit suppliers and will push consumers look for more viable alternatives.

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Risks of Islamist Radicalisation in Bulgaria: A Case Study in the Iztok Neighbourhood of the City of Pazardzhik

Author(s): Mila Mancheva,Rositsa Dzhekova / Language(s): English

In the context of the escalation of extremist Islamist violence in many EC countries today, the issue of the risks of home grown Islamist radicalization in Bulgaria is the subject of heated public debates. Preventing and studying (Islamist) radicalization has become a priority in Europe, giving rise to wealth of publications that explore its motives and causes as well as the processes whereby individuals and groups come to espouse extremist ideas and engage in violent actions. Such studies are lacking in Bulgaria while worries about the potential influence that international terrorist organisations and the related Islamist extremist ideologies could exert in the country are rising. This working paper presents the results from a qualitative study aiming to attain understanding about the vulnerabilities to Islamist radicalisation among a group of inhabitants of the “Iztok” neighborhood of the city of Pazardjik who are considered at risk. The study explores the root causes and the social meaning of the adoption of Salafi interpretations of Islam on the part of sub group local Roma and the root causes and the social meaning of certain manifestations of sympathy with radical Islamist ideas and organisations among some members of the group. Careful attention is paid to the factors and channels through which the two processes are fostered. A discussion is provided to the issue of the vulnerabilities to potential radicalisation among members of the group of Roma professing Salafi interpretation of Islam.

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ЖЕРТВИТЕ НА ПРЕСТЪПНОСТТА СРЕД НАСЕЛЕНИЕТО И БИЗНЕСМЕНИТЕ В БЪЛГАРИЯ

Author(s): Boyan Stankov / Language(s): Bulgarian

In 2000 Bulgaria conducted a survey of crime victims among the population and business people on the initiative of the Turin-based UN Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI), using its methods (the ICVS 2000 and ICBS 2000 questionnaires, face-to-face interviews). The survey was carried out in Sofia. Overall, 1,505 people were willing to participate out of a sample of 1,700, and 532 business people out of a sample of 550. Data collection and processing was assigned to Vitosha Research, a joint contractor of Gallup Hungary. Dr Boyan Stankov was national coordinator of the survey.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY - RUSSIAN INFORMATION CAMPAIGN AGAINST UKRAINIAN STATE AND DEFENCE FORCE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The report was executed for the NATO StratCom COE by the Centre for Applied Research under the Estonian National Defence College. The objective of this research is to identify how the Russian media portrays the Ukrainian military and security structures, including the policies of the Kiev government and their ‘collaboration’ with the West. The research group looks at how messages disseminated in the media attempt to construct attitudes and advocate behaviours in parallel to political and military events on the ground in Ukraine. The research covers the period from 1 April until 31 December 2014 and analyses the following Russian media: Regnum, Komsomolskaya Pravda and TV Zvezda. These media are important because they target not only Russian internal audience but also the Russian-speaking communities in the former territory of the USSR. The researchers used standardised content analysis in accordance to a specially developed Coding Manual and enriched the findings with data from 25 structured interviews with Ukrainian representatives (media, political and military experts, as well as soldiers and officers involved in the military conflict). From December 2014 the Russian military has adopted a new doctrine that explicitly states that information superiority is essential to achieving victory on the physical battleground in the modern war. It is crucial for NATO to draw appropriate conclusions from the on-going conflict in Europe in order to further strengthen the unity of the alliance and avoid such conflict scenarios between Russia and NATO in the future. Russia’s information activities have played a significant role in the overall military operations carried out in the territory of East Ukraine since 2014. Information operations were used at all levels starting with the political level (against the state of Ukraine, state structures, politicians) up to the tactical level for justifying military actions initiated by pro-Russian forces. Information confrontation and a variety of psychological operations continue to play a substantial role in the current crisis in Ukraine. Russia uses various media channels to conduct its operations against Ukraine, including governmental and private TV channels (e.g. Pervyi Kanal, Rossija 1, NTV, Russia Today, LifeNews), radio (e.g. Radio Mayak), mobile phone operators (e.g. KyivStar), Internet sources (including online publications, e.g. Regnum, TV Zvezda, Кomsomolskaya Pravda, Itar Tass, RIA Novosti ) and social media networks (e.g. YouTube, Facebook, Vk.com, odnoklassniki.ru). Some Ukrainian sources hold pro-Russian attitudes and can also be used to spread disinformation (e.g. Vesti). The separatist People’s Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk have their own channels producing anti-Ukrainian propaganda (e.g. dnrnews.com, novorus.info). The current study has focused on the media channels that represent the Russian mainstream—Komsomolskaya Pravda, TV Zvezda, Regnum. These mass media channels are generally critical against the Ukrainian government and armed forces, but do not offer a critical view of the Russian government; they justify Russian policy in Ukraine and see the Ukrainian crisis as a battlefield between Russia and West, referring to the clash of civilisations with the West (primarily the US and NATO, but also the European Union) allegedly intending to advance its sphere of influence towards Russian borders.

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Germany in the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Vladimír Handl / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Czech policy vis-a-vis Germany experienced mostly positive dynamics but also a lack of coherence. Existential interests were not at stake – on the contrary, they constituted a positive background for the relations: Czechs and Germans as allies guarantee each other’s security, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

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West European Countries in the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Mats Braun,Elsa Tulmets,Ondřej Ditrych / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Czech relations with countries covered in this chapter – both EU Member States and others (including microstates) – shared certain general characteristics. Without exception, they involved no issues that would be a subject of major controversy. Secondly, with but a few exceptions, these relations were conducted within a network, or at least through a network, of the EU multilateral frame. The reason for the dominance of the EU framework in the conduct of bilateral relations is primarily the importance of the political process at the EU level both for Member States and their West European neighbours due to a high degree of mutual interdependence and the increasing scope of EU’s allocative and distributive policies. Several government officials throughout the period covered in this volume estimated that up to 80% of the relations of Czech Republic with those countries take place at the EU level. However, this does not result in a decline of the bilateral dimension of mutual relations, as could be expected, but rather in their conduct in a new environment of a burgeoning political system, where the need to negotiate issue coalitions increases. Bilateral negotiations remain an important diplomatic means of this ‘permanent congress’. The last shared feature of Czech foreign policy towards the countries covered in this chapter is that it generally took place in conditions of a political pluralism, which was made possible by the countries’ location within the EU framework. The process of Czech foreign policy involved a considerable number of government actors – all of which should theoretically act in the public interest – without the mediation by traditional diplomacy and conduct through its standard channels. This new pluralism represents one of the central challenges for Czech foreign policy, since without proper coordination it leads to a suboptimal use of (necessarily limited) resources in realizing public interest abroad.

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Как руските енергийни ресурси станаха токсични за Европейския съюз – причини и последици

Author(s): Plamen Dimitrov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

This article explains why Russia's military aggression against Ukraine has made Russian energy resources toxic to the European Union in terms of security, geopolitics and morale. EU sanctions against coal, oil and oil products from Russia and their outcome are discussed. It is explained why the collapse of gas supplies from "Gazprom" to the EU countries has happened at the initiative of the Kremlin, and not because of sanctions. The consequences of the energy "disconnection" between the EU and Russia have been traced – both on the energy markets in Europe and on the revenues in the Russian state budget. It was concluded that the pushing of Russian oil and gas out of the EU markets is an irreversible process with long-term consequences.

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