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The article deals with cyber issues of hybrid war, focusing on cyber threats against computer networks of NATO. The author presents arguments that show us that NATO and allied countries are already exposed to the effects of using cyber capabilities in an operational context hybrid. The author also proposes several courses of action to counter these threats.
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It is obvious that the Western democracies’ war on global terror will be long and hard. Internal security forces simply do not have the capacities and capabilities to deal with the new kind of terrorism, which is yet to use military tactics and urban guerrilla warfare. Recent developments in Paris, France, can be seen as the beginning of a new paradigm in European security. Whereas thus far the European militaries have acted outside their countries, now the governments are reconsidering the possibility of their active involvement in the domestic security. In certain circumstances and political climate, the effects of using the military are positive, but it may have a harmful effect in adverse political and social conditions. If applied in certain circumstances and conditions in a given society, it can have negative consequences on further internal political relations because it can limit the rights and freedoms of the citizens, it can cause an escalation of the conflict, and even encourage a new generation of terrorists. This paper reevaluates the consequences of deploying the militaries in the fight against terrorism and its effects on the military, the terrorists and the civilian population. There has always been a balance between freedom and security but, if Western democracies begin to militarize their politics, it means that the terrorists are slowly achieving their goal.
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Military in Turkey always emphasized that it stand out-of-politics while, on the other hand, they continuously intervened into politics if not overtly ousted it. Tracking down this dilemma amid discourse versus praxis, this study aims to analyse the ambivalent nature of Turkish military’s attitude towards politics. For this aim, a set of life narratives written by soldiers at various ranks from 1908 to 1980s is reviewed. As a conclusion, it is argued that Turkish military’s attitude towards politics shall be identified at four discrepant moments. The first can be called as the principle discourse moment which refers to be out-of-politics. The second moment, which may be called as “observing”, embraces an aptitude contradictory to former one. The third and fourth moments emerge as a consequence of so-called “observing” act. One of these is some illegal praxis like committees and juntas; and the other one is several techniques of anti-political actions in a legal framework. It is worth noting that there is not a temporality among them necessarily; which means that more than one of those moments may be effective at a given era.
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This article aims to explain the possibility of calculating the perpendicular distance of object (observation, building etc.) from the barrel of fire artillery. The advancement calculation is not included in any legislation addressing the issue of fire safety in the barrel artillery. This paper discusses the mathematical reasoning and calculations that are useful in the preparation of documentation for shooting in the time preparation of shootings. The derived formula can be used by judges when firing safety control shooting.
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The organizational structures are to define and effectively make plans for humane activities (individuals and groups) to meet set objectives. In the Army of the Czech Republic, the organizational structures have to fulfil goals not only on tactical levels, but also it has to connect to superior units. It must be clearly defined on both horizontal and vertical levels. The article is focused on differences in organizational structures of logistics support of some battalions and that of brigade. It compares competences, respective responsibilities, in the area of material management, operations support, etc. The aim of the article is to propose an alternative solution, backed by above-mentioned comparison, for further possible evolution of logistics organizational structures, including professional training and career development of logistics members.
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This article suggests to introduce a new method of compilation and distribution of meteorological messages in the ACR artillery. The proposed realization mode of is based on the expected course of air temperature during the day. It is compared with the existing regular two-hour intervals that affect effectively the fluctuations of air temperature during the day, especially at sunrise and sunset. Consequently, the study also recommends to adjust the time and space validity of individual types of meteorological messages in the connection with this proposed realization mode of compilation and distribution of meteorological messages.
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The article is an analysis of the further development of mechanized battalions of Czech forces (ACR). The defence department will have to take a major decision how to replace old tracked infantry combat vehicles (ICVs) BVP-2. Several years ago, it was decided to acquire those vehicles for one brigade, so the best option could be to keep this project on. The acquisition and simultaneous operations of two similar vehicles, wheeled and tracked ones, are not effective for forces of ACR size. The extra costs of operation would not produce an adequate increase in capabilities of mechanized units. The author presents dozens of arguments to support this conclusion and at the end he makes recommendations for the future acquisition strategy in Czech defence department.
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In this article the author thinks over one of many variants the mortar units could be deployed into battalion combat task forces to support developing operations. It is a process of gradual compatibility with the units of North Atlantic Alliance and modernizing mortar weapons system with regard to prospective personnel reductions. It is important for joint commanders to be familiar with this kind of combat support, so that they could use it effectively in land operations.
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The debate on missile defense in the United States has been going on for more than half a century, and brought about extensive literature on this subject. Although many studies on BMDS are publications dedicated to U.S. strategy, foreign and security policy, only a few works are focused solely on the U.S. missile defense strategy in the post-Cold War era from the long-term perspective. The aim of this article is to discuss the U.S. missile defense strategy in the post-Cold War era. The paper consists of an introduction, three sections, and a conclusion. The introduction includes short literature review and explains the domestic and international significance of BMDS. In the first section, BMDS is defined and described, next the ongoing debate about sources of U.S. focus on missile defense development is presented. In the last section, four functions of the BMDS in the U.S. post-Cold War strategy are analyzed. Conclusion includes brief recap, as well as costs and benefits assessment of the consequences of the BMDS deployment.
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Although the domestic consolidation of power was a major factor for the Turkish Military offensive in North-Syrian Afrin at the beginning of 2018, this invasion is embedded in a wider context. It primarily refers to the ideologically guided neo-Ottoman power politics concerning Syria and the Middle East in contemporary Turkey. The Turkish government’s major objective is to become a hegemonic power in the Middle East. For this purpose Ankara seeks a pan-Islamic/Sunni agenda with the main focus on an anti-Kurd military strategy in order to curtailthe Kurds in general and the PKK and PYD in particular. With a flexible strategy and the tactical alliance with Russia and Iran Ankara managed toenlarge its room for manoeuvre and to conquer Syrian territory. Thus Ankara creates zones of influence, constrains the Kurds and strengthens its position for post-war negotiations in Syria. However, with such manoeuvring Ankara also risks to be constrained by Russia, thus creating polarisation with its Western allies, especially the USA.
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The growing power of the PRC implies a change in the international and security policy of the country, and even the perception of the international environment by the members of the CPC. The White Paper of Defence, published every two years by the Ministry of National Defence of the People's Republic of China aims to explain the ongoing evolution. The present paper studies in depth the Chinese point of view of the potential challenges for security in the region of Asia and the Pacific.
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The purpose of this scientific article is to identify the most persistent motivational measures of conscripts applied at General Adolf Ramanauskas Combat Training Center. The article discusses motivation, motivating and motivation measures applied in contemporary civil organizations and the Lithuanian Armed Forces. The empirical part of the article is based on the authentic investigation of conscripts, which was carried out in the spring of 2018 in the “Vanagas” Operational Environment Company. The results of the research revealed that the most significant motivating factors for a conscript are such as the need for personal accomplishments and respect. What concerns the group of material motivation measures, the conscripts are best motivated by provision of health care services and social guarantees. In case of intangible values, they are most motivated by the opportunity to develop and pursue a career. Priority motivating measures that could encourage soldiers to serve better could be likewise: commanders’ support and trust, a friendly team, clear and interesting tasks, increase of cash benefits and organization of leisure time activities.
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In this study, it is aimed to examine the role of the Submarine Fleet in Israel’s Defence Strategy. One of the basic pillars of Israel's Defence Strategy is the principle of deterrence. The Submarine Fleet within the Israeli Navy that gives strategic depth is among the most critical elements of deterrence. In fact, Israel formed the Submarine Fleet in the late 1950s. However, the Fleet has received its current critical position in the late 1990s with the launch of the Dolphin Class submarines. The Dolphins, which stand out with silent running and superior maneuverability, are recognized as one of the world's most advanced solutions in the diesel-electric submarine category. But the main feature of the Dolphins is their capability to carry submarine-launched cruise missiles. Because there are reports that the Israeli Navy has modified the submarine-launched cruise missiles, called Popeye Turbo to carry nuclear warheads and more importantly, Dolphins are equipped with these systems. This brings the Submarine Fleet to a key role in terms of sea-based nuclear deterrence and second strike capability.
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The purpose of the article is to present and analyse the role of transfer of military technology, equipment and armaments in mutual military relations between the PRC and Ukraine, as well as its impact on modernization of the PLA and expansion of China’s military potential.
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The aim of the paper is to identify and describe the policy positioningof the Democratic Party and the Republican Party as concerns access to firearms duringthe 2016 presidential election in the USA. The material analyzed includes official political platforms of both parties and statements of presidential candidates on access to firearms issued during the presidential campaign. The main research method used is content analysis. Based on the conducted analysis, numerous differences and similarities were identified between elements of the political product of “Firearms access” as well as in the (self)positioning of the two parties in relation to the issue. The results point to the significance of the problem of access to firearms as a political product strongly stratifying the American society, a true line of partisan divide. The added value of the article is highlighting the importance of the issue of firearms access in the American political culture, markedly influencing the American political market.
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The research problem presented in the article is an analysis of the proposals of France and Germany from 2015 to 2018 in the context of deepening military integration in Europe. The European Union, as an organization based on dialogue and international cooperation, has so far been defined in the political space through the prism of „soft” capabilities to influence the international environment. New threats and security challenges strengthened the conviction of the states’ and EU authorities about the need to deepen cooperation in the field of defense and to develop a new approach in the context of defining the tools of EU foreign policy. The aim of article is to explain to what extent French and German proposals contribute to the European Union becoming a smart power actor and in what direction the CSDP is developing. The hypothesis is based on the assumption that both France and Germany, forming the European „tandem”, as well as the European Commission, are taking measures to do away with the image of the Union as a soft power actor through a gradual communitarisation of the defense policy and the creation of a European Defense Union, equipped with autonomous armed forces. The consequence of these initiatives is to provide the EU with „hard” (military) capabilities to exert political influence, which are important in the implementation of the smart power concept. The main research method used in the article is the analysis of official documents of EU institutions and governmental institutions of France and Germany in the field of security and defense, as well as intergovernmental letters of intent, containing the assumptions of new cooperation initiatives. The comparative method was applied at the level of analyzing the approach of the German and French authorities to the issue of deepening military integration.
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This article discusses the rise and increasing use of unmanned military systems. It describes how over the course of the last fifteen years they have increasingly become weapons of importance in modern-day conflicts. These new weapons have altered the nature of conflict, its shape, focus, and its political notion. Yet the largest risk comes not from the current changes, but from those in the near future. These foreseen changes could give rise to a scenario in which the notion and conduct of conflict could be further transformed, leading to an entire new concept of conflict. This is going to be an unmanned, non-human notion of conflict, in which the political cost of conflict will be radically different. This new notion, and its limited political costs, could subsequently create a perpetual state of conflict.
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The Russian intervention in Syria has been the first act of a considerable scale since 1991 of a direct involvement of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation in a military conflict on a territory not included in the former Soviet Union. At the same time, it became the first operation in the history of the Russian Federation (and formerly the USSR) in which a leading role – both in the composition of the military contingent addressed there, as well as in relation to the results of actions – played the air force. This publication focuses on the genesis and the different phases of the engagement of combat aircraft of the mentioned type of armed forces in the initial stage of Russian intervention, as well as an attempt to assess the reasons for the exceptional effectiveness of the operation on the course of the entire war.
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The achieved status of coexistence has not been accepted by all states. Russia cannot accept the fact that it has sustained substantial losses, especially in the global dimension, after the collapse of the USSR. Vladimir Putin’s team has been striving to rebuild the power of their country. Russian society, which is accustomed to sacrifices for its homeland, is actively involved in the activities undertaken. Much effort is put into the development of the armaments sector. The structures, command and mobilization condition of the Armed Forces are improved. The Russian Armed Forces is modernized and the percentage of modern equipment is constantly increasing. The Armed Forces of the RF are preparing for any possible armed conflict. Various types of exercise are being performed and frequently maneuvers are carried out in close proximity to the borders of NATO member states. However, it must be hoped that Russia’s leadership remains in the sphere of ‘dreams of power’, though the analysis of question marks emerging in the East should be a kind of basis for conclusions.
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This article describes a new cost estimation model that can be used for decision-making in the procurement of next generation land vehicles for the Estonian Defence Forces. The analysis revealed that the cost model focuses on two functions – on the one hand, it is a practical decision-making tool for planning processes and, on the other hand, it is also an excellent fiscal tool for analysing total life-cycle costs and for assessing sustainability and risks. In the end, the cost model criteria and desired outputs were combined with all the necessary data sources. Based on these three inputs, a new cost estimation model was devised in line with expert recommendations. The proposed MS Excel spreadsheet-based cost model takes into account all the costs that experts deemed necessary and gives numerical values for all the required outputs. By utilising the proposed cost model, the Estonian Defence Forces could improve the quality of the data needed in capacity planning for the procurement of land vehicles for the next ten-year period.
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