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By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies.
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The European Union (UE) is a unique organization, the representative organ of which– European Parliament (EP) – is chosen in universe elections. It was established in 1951 under Treaty of Paris as the General Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community. The Rome Treaties, establishing the European Economic Community and the European Community of Atomic Energy, continued the idea of a representative body by creating the Assembly of the European Communities. In 1962 the members changed the name from Assembly to European Parliament. A new name was officially recognized by the European Single Act in 1986. At the beginning, the members of the Assembly were appointed by national parliaments, since 1979 they have been elected in direct elections in accordance with the national law of the Member States.The aim of this article is to analyze EP direct elections through depicting the process of their implementation, discuss the turnout and introduce a new proposal for the electoral system such as electronic voting (e-voting).
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Review of: Łukasz Jakubiak, "Referendum jako narzędzie polityki. Francuskie doświadczenia ustrojowe"; Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2012, 289 pages; by: Elżbieta Kużelewska
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Russia; Moscow; elections; Tatyana Moskalkova; United Russia;
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In this paper the author analyzes the party system and structure of party competition in the Republic of Srpska, from the first postwar general elections for the National Assembly held in 1996, until the latest elections held in 2014. Based on Giovanni Sartori’s typology of party systems, the author classifies the party system in the Republic of Srpska and analyzes the structure of party competition by using Peter Mair’s theoretical framework. Determination of party system in the Republic of Srpska based on its numerical/ideological typology does not tell us much about the very essence of the party system. By means of Peter Meir’s three criteria, the author analyzes the structure of party competition which fosters a wider perspective of understanding the party system and defines its essence more precisely. Regardless of the various changes to which political parties are exposed, the very essence of the party system is manifested through tendency to gravitate towards stable patterns of party competition.
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Political representation of women is usually the subject of research at the national level of governance. Local level surveys are usually limited to statistical analysis or detailed descriptions of individual cases. As a rule, however, they do not address the determinants of the success of female candidates at the communal level. The study focuses on the success of female candidates at the local government level. The aim is to find a combination of conditions leading to a higher degree of political representation of women in the regional cities of the Czech Republic. The main benefit of the study is the use of QCA based on Boolean Algebra, which is an alternative to classical qualitative and quantitative methods, as it attempts to combine the benefits of both approaches and on this basis can provide a more comprehensive explanation of the studied Cases. The results showed significant differences between towns in Bohemia and Moravia, when women in Moravian cities are significantly under-represented. On the territory of Bohemia, the representation of women is sufficient in cities, which were inhabited in the past mainly by the German population and after the Second World War was settled by the Czech population. The results offer the potential for future comparisons with the results of statistical analysis, but also for the international comparison of not only post-communist areas.
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Rally is one of the most important instruments of the [political] participation. However, considering that it has not been found in another study in which the election rallies are examined sociopolitically in Turkey means that this important instrument/field is denied. The study consists of theoretical and empirical parts. The empirical part includes a questionnaire to 300 voters that attended to the rallies of Justice and Development Party and Nationalist Movement Party before local elections. The main purpose is to determine different variables involving those who attend to political rallies, why and how often; to examine their effects; to understand how much of them is spectator or supporter; to obtain a psycho- political analysis related to the mood of voters in rally and eventually to carry out a socio-political analysis of the rally. According to some of the obtained data, more than half of the attenders that attend to the rally obtain information about the rally place and the beginning time of it from televisions. People attend to the rallies mostly to give support to their parties, to see the party leader, to spend time or satisfy their curiosity. About four out of every hundred people who attended to the rally changed their preferences and judgments negatively. The attenders to the rallies are mostly women from city centres, and men from central district and outside the province. Men, elderly ones and those with high levels of education attend more and more often to the rallies. While the housewives attend to the rallies at the very least, the public employees are at the very most. The housewives attend mostly to the rallies of Justice and Development Party and the public employees mostly to those of Nationalist Movement Party. The education level of attenders for Nationalist Movement Party is higher. The rate of supporters is higher in the rallies of Nationalist Movement Party. However, it is the rate of spectators that is higher in the rallies of Justice and Development Party. The attenders took part in the rally of Justice and Development Party mostly to see the party leader; on the other hand , it was mostly to give more support to their party in the that of Nationalist Movement Party. Those in the rally of Nationalist Movement Party identified their mood mainly as angry and courageous. However, it was defined as happy and proud for those in the rally of Justice and Development Party.
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Membership in the Security Council was one of the greatest achievements for Bosnia and Herzegovina after gaining the independence. Serving as a non-permanent member for the period of 2010 and 2011, it faced challenges mostly related to its capacity building and decision-making process in foreign policy. During this two-year period, the Council adopted 125 resolutions and two resolutions suffered veto, both regarding Middle East. Bosnia and Herzegovina had an affirmative stand in regards to all resolutions discussed. However, it faced difficulties forming a stand towards questions of Kosovo and Palestine. The attitude and voting behavior of Bosnia and Herzegovina was not influenced by other states nor the relationship between them, but by internal issues. Our article provides analysis, evaluation, and interpretation of particular topics, such as the independence of Kosovo, Iran’s nuclear program, situation in Libya, Palestine and situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina itself discussed in the Security Council in 2010 and 2011, with the explanation of the attitudes of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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In elections that determine who the country the country is headed by, the voting behavior for candidates or parties who aspire to management is vital. Within the framework of political communication, election promises are the most important instrument that the candidates or parties refers to political campaigns in order to persuade voters to vote in their favor during elections. In this study, it was investigated the effect on the voting behavior of election promises which are important part of political campaigns. And in this context, Donal Trump’s promises in US presidential election of 2016 were examined. Then it is analyzed the effect on the voting behavior of Trump’s promises by considering the result of the election.
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Sources of political party financing are two fold: public and private. Public sources come from the state budget and are legally defined. Private sources are: physical and legal persons, membership fee, income from property, promotional activities and publishing, loans, etc. Reasons of possible abuse in political party financing. Serbian legal regulation of political party financing, especially during electoral campaigns. Data on expenditures from public and private sources for Serbia’s 2012 parliamentary and presidential elections. The ratio of income and expenditure in parliamentary and presidential elections. Breaking of law established for parliamentary and presidential elections 2012. Identified mistakes, with proposals for correcting, based on research and reports of electoral campaign financing (normative, monitoring, incompleteness and sanctioning).
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This paper deals with the personalities of the two main candidates for the position of the President of the United States of America at the elections held on November 6th 2012. The first part lays down key theories for assessment of qualities need for executing presidential duties. The second part of the paper gives short biographies of Mr. Barack Obama and Mr. Mitt Romney, used in the third part, for the analyses of personalities of the candidates and assessment of their qualities against the best possible for execution of presidential duties. The main conclusion is that the both this year’s presidential candidates come pretty high on the bar, both as to their qualifications, and their capabilities for performing this responsible role.
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The author points out how each of the two main American presidential candidates in 2012 election campaign tended to back up their own image of a credible and qualified person and, at the same time, strengthen an incompetent image of the oponent by interpreting the predominant issue and causes of the economic crisis. In addition to the main issue, the author identifies slogans as well as various means and forms of promotion used during the campaign.
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Political discourse and rhetoric have always been accused of focusing more on the form than the content. Of creating illusions to people and not delivering on their promises, in particular when campaigning for political office. The article lies upon two conceptual premises, namely 1) language cannot be neutral – it reflects and structures our ideologies and world views; 2) in order to advance their agenda, politicians aim to persuade the public and other relevant audiences – political power thus derives from the power to persuade. The following text will attempt to analyse political discourse of presidential candidates in the American race for president in 2012, while sheding some light on the theory of political discourse and its analysis.
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What kind of President are the French looking for? The presidential institution can be understood through different role taking. During the french presidential campaign, Hollande and Sarkozy opted for two different concepts of role taking: the model of the „normal“ president (Hollande) and the model of the „omnipotent“ president (Sarkozy). The strategic choice of how to adjust to the role of the „ideal president“ is not only voluntaristic but is also constrained by previous institutional experiences, political ressources and competences.
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This paper analyzes local elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina – political actors who participated, campaign, electoral rules and electoral results. The author comes to the conclusion that in these elections the trend of high electoral abstention continued, caused by citizens’ dissatisfaction with political elites. Election results showed weakening of most of the political parties that so far have dominated the political process, especially those characterized by the autocratic methods of government, and which are considered the most responsible for the results of neoliberal policies.
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This study aims to analyses socio-political structure of Samsun at the basis of the results of Turkish Local elections since 1973 up to date. Documentary and historical research techniques will be used during the study.
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The Azerbaijani elections in October 15th, 2003, were of great importance not only for the country and the region, but also for all Eurasia. According to "official results", Azerbaijani people voted with great majority for İlham Aliyev, son of Haydar Aliyev, who had governed the country for 10 years between 1993-2003. This was commented as a fiasco for democratisation hopes in the region, and became a negative sample for potential cases in central Asia, where current old leaders are actually busy with paving the ways of power for their sons.
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The article presents the attitude of Polish political emigration towards first parliamentary electionheld in Poland after World War II. The election caused discussions in emigration press. The Polishgovernment in exile did not hoped for any change of political situation in country after electionsconducted under communist rule. Most of the political parties in exile took similar position. In theopinion of the emigrants a truly free election could be conducted under international supervision andafter the withdrawal of Soviet troops and removal from power dominated by communists Provisional Government of National Unity.
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