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In spring 2010, the U.S. Census Bureau conducted its decennial duty of counting the United States population. While the findings of this extensive operation influence many important socio-economic decisions of the authorities, among the first visible results have been those in the federal electoral politics area. As the number of states’ seats in the U.S. House of Representatives has been determined by each state population, it also affects the number of electors the states have appointed to elect the President of the United States. Thus every ten years, along with apportioning states’ representatives in the U.S. House, the landscape of presidential electoral politics is altered, too. In this paper, basing on the several variables and the number of state electors in presidential elections 2012-2020, I assess whether the two major American political parties can claim net gains in the aftermath of the apportionment, conducted after the 2010 Census. I will argue it is Republican Party will benefit, while the Democratic Party will lose a few electoral votes to its core base in the three presidential election cycles, to be conducted in the next decade. I will focus on the analysis of 2010 Census on the reapportionment and its relation to Electoral College votes, while issues related to congressional redistricting and House elections are beyond the scope of the article.
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The article begins with terminology adjustments and presenting of actual state of research on compulsory voting in Poland and other parts of the world. Historical origin of introducing compulsory voting and its premises are presented in chronological and geographical grasp of the problem. The essence of compulsory voting is depicted as well as different kinds of sanctions provided in the past and today in the world for not voting. Wide spectrum of consequences of compulsory voting are taken into consideration, among others the so-called protest votes, its impact for level of voting turnout and the shape of party system. At the end the argument “for” and “against” introducing compulsory voting are presented and then analysed.
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The article focuses on Romania’s attitude during the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008. Romanian President Traian Băsescu was one of the main critics of Kremlin’s policy, however, during the active phase of the Russian invasion in Georgia, Romanian authorities limited themselves to declarative speeches. The Russian-Georgian war coincided with the start of the parliamentary election campaign in Romania. For the opposition parties, the conflict in Caucasus has become one of the many topics used to criticize President Băsescu’s foreign policy. Romanian authorities also used the aggression of Moscow to mobilize voters by warning against a repetition of a similar scenario in the neighboring state of Moldova (Transnistria).
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The incumbent wins landslide victory with record amount of votes after his most serious opponent is banned from running in the election.
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The current left-right dichotomy permanently organizes the perception of politics by the Polish society. This thesis is confirmed both in academic discourse as well as in the results of public opinion polls. In that context, it becomes extremely important to determine the understanding of the left and the right in relation to the electoral preferences of the Poles. The thesis and the hypotheses were verified in a process of analyzing the variables obtained in the present study, carried out in 2008–2015 on a representative sample of the adults. The results partially confirm the thesis. Compatibility between the understanding the left-right dichotomy and the characteristics of the doctrines depends on the electoral preferences of the respondents, but not for followers of all analyzed batches. The most consistency and compatibility with the model of doctrinal understanding of these concepts can be found in the preferences of the Democratic Left Alliance electorate. In the Law and Justice electorate, the understanding of the analyzed concepts is incomplete and only partially consistent with the declared right wing preferences, whereas, the biggest ideological disorientation can be noted among supporters of the Civic Platform. Undoubtedly, the voters’ perception of the political scene through the lens of the division between the left and the right is still effective and valid.
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In this article the political and publishing activity of the Native Peasants’ Party of Lithuanian-Belorussian Lands ‘Unification’ was presented, which has hitherto been omitted in the studies of the history of Polish political parties in the interwar period. The formation of this new political organization was inspired by the central authorities of Pilsudski’s ruling camp. Its main task was to keep under surveillance, and finally take over or split political structures of peasants’ and Belorussian parties acting in the northeastern provinces of the Second Republic of Poland (those of Vilnius and Nowogrodek), which in the assessment of the representatives of the post-May regime could pose a threat to the electoral register of the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government. Similar activities were undertaken by supporters of Pilsudski during the election campaign for the Second Term Sejm (1928–1930) all over the country. The press organ of the new party was a weekly ‘Village’, which was published at the beginning of 1928. Apart from that, the party’s authorities issued their announcements and political programme on the pages of ‘Kurier Wilenski’ and ‘Białoruski Dzień’. The latter title functioned as a platform for Native Peasants’ Party of Lithuanian-Belorussian Lands ‘Unification’ aimed at the Belorussian population inhabiting the so-called Eastern borderlands of the Second Republic of Poland.
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Far from being Brussels’ darling, Viktor Orban has, however, endeared himself to some European leaders who admire his pragmatism and political know-how.
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Runoff round will pit incumbent Zeman against a scientist with pro-EU leanings.
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Putin supporters were lured to the polls with offers of food, cancer screenings, and the chance to win big prizes.
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The ruling Social Democrats retain their hold on power despite a string of scandals and political defeats.
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Unnamed adversaries ‘want to take our country from us,’ Hungarian leader tells supporters.
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While ruling party and far-right run anti-immigration campaigns, mainstream opposition groups are banking on anti-corruption platform.
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The aim of the paper is to try to examine the limits of the impact of the migrant crisis as one of the most striking sociopolitical issues in the last three years in Germany on the general political situation, as well as on the Federal parliamentary elections held in 2017, and above all on the success of the far-right political party Alternative for Germany. The issue of the migration crisis comes first by identifying the place and the significance of that issue on the political map of Germany. The central part of the paper is devoted to presenting and analyzing the situation of the criminality of migrants as a generator of support to the far-right politics.
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This work intends to analyze the historical intersections between political parties and churches in Argentina, focusing on Catholic and evangelical interven tions, since these are the religious organizations with the most presence, interests and connections in this space. Our analysis will be based on a binary classification: the term direct intersections refers to the decision by religious agents to form their own party structures, while indirect intersections is the denomination for those practices through which churches exert their influence on political parties with out getting involved in the electoral arena. After establishing the degree of effec tiveness of these different strategies, we will discuss their impact in the context of the consolidation of democracy in present-day Argentina. Methodologically, the analysis relies on a comprehensive and critical review of the scientific production about religion and politics in the country being studied.
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Two liberals are fighting for the chance to oust Kremlin man Sobyanin from one of Russia’s most powerful elected posts.
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The former president and six-time prime minister hailed result as "another important victory for Montenegro's European future."
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Profits from real estate investments in a Romanian city then sent back to Italy to finance mafia activities, reports say.
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Elekcję Władysława Wazy na króla polskiego przeprowadzono na polu elek¬cyjnym między Wolą a Warszawą 8 listopada 1632 r. Wydarzyło to się w 192 dniu bezkrólewia po śmierci Zygmunta III2. Jednak nim przystąpiono do obioru nowego króla, senatorowie i posłowie zebrani na sejmie elekcyjnym, trwającym przez 40 dni, musieli 8 listopada podjąć istotną decyzję, czy odbyć elekcję w tym dniu zgodnie z uchwałą sejmu konwokacyjnego, czy też przesunąć ją na termin późniejszy.
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In initial part of the article the author affirms that the multitude of construction of blocking authorizes to put the thesis, that the apparentment deserves on name the institution of electoral law. The first part of the article presents a comparative overview about solutions applying in France, Italy, Switzerland and Belgium, which provide arguments to prove aforementioned thesis about multitude of solutions concerning apparentment. The second part of the paper presents a short history of legal regulation of the issue of joint lists of candidates and much more wider considerations about present solutions. Author put thesis that PiS introducing apparentment to self-governmental election law before elections in 2006 wanted to cause additional mandates. Author points out that electoral failure of this party was caused by the incorrect expectations concerning political rival behavior as well as by the unpredictability of mathematical apparatus of blocking. Article also refers to proposal of introduction examined institution to parliamentarian elections and possible this consequences. Next part of the article discusses conformity describing institution with Polish Constitution. The author comes to conclusion that this institution in construction with self-govermental electoral law violates the principle of generality and the equality of electoral right, additional if blocking would introduce to Sejm’s elections, then this also would be discordant with principle of proportionality. In conclusion author affirms that the most important postulate concerning apparentment is fuel and effective informing the electors about created electoral blocks and consequences of their creation for party being in block.
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