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In the paper the author analyses and presents through practical examples the use of storytelling as the bearer of the persuasion and change ideology. The course of usage is presented through its inception in film industry, mass media to virtual reality. The author has explained how storytelling became part of the panoptic view and participation in the hegemony of power in such way that it assures the rules for behaviour as well as the pedagogy of change. In this paper storytelling is presented as the memory keeper and bearer of strategic project because it possesses the power which cannot be manifested in the control and discipline but in the collective story and memory.
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The article examines the concept of the political, and it’s relationship to the Late Soviet Socialism, adressed in the Sovietology oeuvre of Proffesor Alexei Yurchak. The question is raised whether the claim about inner paradoxes of the late Soviet system as a single discursive formation can be substantiated without addressing the probability of more fundamental discursive divisions, splits and multiplicities structuring life of the post-Stalinist epoch. The critical analysis of such concepts as „authoritative discourse“ and discursive „performative shift“ reveals contradictions of author‘s conceptual attempt to explain the legitimacy of the late Soviet system, as well as elucidates why the issue of the Soviet as the political remains suspended in the analytical shema of Yurchak.
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The paper presents results of the qualitative–to–quantitative narrative analysis of the transitional remembrance policy in South Africa during Nelson R. Mandela’s presidency. It refers to findings on the structure of political applications of historical interpretations to the issue of national identity reconstruction during democratisation. Therefore, the paper considers a degree in which remembrance story–telling was used to legitimise, justify, explain and promote the Rainbow Nation, the inclusive and non–racial vision of South Africa’s ’ideal self’ based on Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s theology of Ubuntu hoping. It investigated these relationships on eight levels – legitimisation of new elites, presence of former elites, transitional justice, social costs of transformations, promotion of new standards, the symbolic roles of democratisation, need for national unity and the new state’s identity in international politics. Moreover, the paper introduces a draft comparison with other cases of transitional remembrance policy – Chile, Estonia, Georgia, Poland and Spain – and it offers the structural model of the use of historical interpretations in South African transition, as well as discussing it with reference to the general model of the transitional remembrance policy.
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Peace is non–violence and there is only one way to achieve it: peace as structural and interpersonal non–violence. The daily non–violence is as instructive as the spectacular actions of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King. Peace education is better based on demonstration what we “can” than to postulate of what we should do. The Peace Studies prefer a resource–oriented approach to education instead of a deficit–oriented. Our central thesis is that the youth is living in a kind of transculturality, the best conditions for peacebuilding. Considering the increasing sensitivity we expected that latest in 2075 we will make the war a taboo. The central key to solve conflicts nonviolently is conflict transformation in trusting a spiritual third power in between the opponents, even secularized people. The peace education has to help us to discover the third in nonviolent activities. There is a lot of difficult issues that the non–violence has to reflect in future, including elimination of the extreme violence, reconciliation, an impact of economy, the peacebuilding’s relevance of structural measures.
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The article studies two works belonging to political cinema «Ordinary Fascism» by Mikhail Romm and «Die Welle» by Dennis Gansel) as examples of superficial criticism of the Nazi ideology. Yet, a true analysis of the fascist propaganda mechanisms needs shifting the point of view to the nature of ideology. The idea of strictly external and forcible methods of ideological influence should be contrasted with the idea of ideology as a form of everyday life. It is platitude, ordinariness, natural character of ideological structures and even the ugliest aspects of ideology that need understanding.
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The share of national and ethnic minorities in political elections is one of the indicators of integration and a sense of equality in the society. The fundamental issue is therefore the answer to the question whether and to what extent ethnicity is manifested by representatives of minorities in the local elections in 2014.
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Representatives of the Vietnamese minority for the first time in its history in Poland took part in the local elections in 2014. This event is another element in the process of integration and equality of minorities in the country of residence. In the present text, I take issues related to the functioning of minority candidates Vietnam’s image in the media, along with the characteristics of the factors affecting its shape during the election campaign.
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The aim of this text was to compare policy of Central European towards national and ethnic minorities over the period of fifteen years (1989–2004). Besides Poland, Czechoslovakia (since 1993 Czech Republic and Slovakia) and Hungary are countries of quite different ethnic and national structure. Poland is a unique country due to its’ almost mono-ethnic population when comparing to Czech, Slovakia and Hungary, countries with a large Romani and in case of Slovakia also Hungarian minority. The period of communism 1945–1989 in all fields of political, social and economic life was under the dictate of Soviet Union. This applied to minorities issues as well. The changes which started in 1989 was a freely chosen way of political elites and societies of Czech, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Although the membership criteria of the EU (so-called Copenhagen Criteria) consisted inter alia of a criterion in favour of respecting the rights of national, ethnic and language minorities. It was a kind of “double standards” by the EU. The text analyses the impact of EU and other international actors on policies of Prague, Bratislava, Budapest and Warsaw in the field of national minorities rights during the accession preparations. It was significantly reduced after the full membership of Czech, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia after the 1st of May 2004.
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The presented paper focuses on the issue of voting behaviour. It aims to determine the importance of selected cognitive factors, decision-making styles and emotional factors in electoral decision-making and behaviour in voters with different political preferences and voters of specific Slovak political parties. The cognitive style was evaluated using the Cognitive Reflection Test - Version 2. Decision-making styles were explored using the General Decision Making Styles Questionnaire and emotion preferences in information processing were evaluated using the following affective states test. Within the research sample (N = 308, average age 36.2 years), distinct groups of Slovak voters were created: 1. based on parties with different ideological orientations, and 2. based on specific Slovak political parties. The predictive significance of the observed characteristics for the choice of a political subject with a particular ideology and the choice of a specific Slovak political party was explored. All the variables monitored – cognitive style, decision-making style, and emotion preferences in information processing – proved to be significant.
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A reference title - leadership and organizational behavior, which pursues specific competencies and objectives that allow the individual to become familiar with the field but also with the implementation of the acquisitions. That is why I recommend that courses, modules or trainings with this topic be organized both in the school and in the organizations. Leadership takes place on levels and sets of values. These lead to the approach of a certain style of leader with a certain typology. In this article I have chosen to present leadership styles.
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This research paper provides an in-depth analysis of the managerial decision-making process. The paper belongs to the economics and subscribes to the general area of research on accounting, with a focus on behavioral accounting, seen as an area of accounting that focuses on the relationship between human behavior and the accounting system. In this context, the field of research intertwines and expands some elements specific to the field of accounting with other social sciences such as psychology, social psychology and sociology. In this framework, the synergy of the two concepts is created: the accounting information and the decision-making process, analyzed at unitary level from the perspective of the sustainable development of the entity. Thus, the paper has a strong interdisciplinary character, being aimed at addressing the issue of behavioral accounting through complementary dimensions. The approach is a detailed research and is limited to descriptive-conceptual research, identifying and presenting the characteristics of the decision-making process, component of behavioral accounting, by giving a major interest in literature and specialized articles.
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The 14 points at which the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, in 1918 compressed his vision of the freedom of the peoples were widely publicized in the Europe of The First World War. They also justified the national aspirations of the small peoples of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and were an argument in their struggle for the imposition of nation states. We proposed a research on how Wilson's theses were received by newspapers in Budapest, in a political context in which in the two poles of influence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the coagulation of some nation states was categorically rejected until the end of the war.
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The article thematically and structurally analyses a group of films usually designated as “gnostic films”. These films share a common ideology as they postulate the existence of two worlds – one illusory and the other true. The hero must escape the false world and reach the true one. As the majority of gnostic films appeared at the turn of the millennium, the article also suggests what contributed to the emergence of these films. As the cosmology of the films bears a close similarity to the cosmology of conspiracy theories, the emergence of the films is shown to be a part of the sociocultural development of the conspiracist mindset entering the mainstream. In the 1990s, conspiracism was out of the closet and gained popularity, but it was not yet perceived as an imminent societal threat and therefore was not a taboo for Hollywood filmmakers. The 1990s were also the decade of a unipolar world order where the absence of an inimical Other engendered anxiety about the system itself, which is reflected in the analysed films.
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The totalitarian discourse, as an instrument of terror, had the purpose of excluding otherness. Alterity, never innocent, was conceived as an adversary, an enemy, who had to be identified, unmasked and eliminated. Excitatory, the totalitarian discourse appeals through its rhetoric to a certain kind of pathos, which by its negativity, induces in public the installation of emotions of a destructive character. The totalitarian communist propaganda, both in Romania and in other countries of the former bloc of "popular democracies", built its rhetorical discourse of domination on this pathos, having as double purpose the induction of contempt and hatred towards adversaries, and then the emotional support, from the public, of the illegitimate acts that the regime wanted to impose.
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2022 was a year very rich in important security events, given the international security situation, deeply marked by the events taking place in Ukraine. During the NATO Summit in Madrid, held on 28th June 2022 – 30th June 2022, it was approved NATO's new strategic concept. In this concept, it is evaluated the current strategic environment, are redefined the important tasks of the Alliance and are highlighted the elements that ensure its continued success. In this context, the elements regarding national defense occupy a priority place in the national strategy of our country. Romania, an important actor in the international security architecture, is positioned on the eastern flank of NATO, an extremely sensitive geostrategic position, which involves both multiple responsibilities and series of advantages.
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The aim of the present research is to establish the relations between a small or medium-sized country and a great power, especially with a remote one from a geographical point of view. As a rule, since the two actors in the international relations scene do not interact directly, there are enough reasons for the political, economic or even cultural bilateral relations to evolve. The topic that we chose to develop in the present paper is one that captivated us due to the fact that the last quarter of a century in the history of communist Romania is a dense one and full of notable events. Moreover, it gives the historian the chance to research numerous archive fonds containing lots of new documents. Therefore, it is the historian’s privilege to write a paper in which to introduce new or lesser known documents to the academic environment.
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In a world where choosing the development model of the communities we live in is at the heart of many debates, it is increasingly difficult to establish predefined development models for all communities. Whether we are referring to centralized development models (top down), whether we refer to regional or local ones (bottom-up) they must be addressed in a context and meet both local and national and European needs. Debates around the most effective development models are in the attention of the European Union (EU) whose „heart” is cohesion policy. Where and how we act, who we are considering when setting development priorities are the most complex issues we need to look at in order to maximize the results of EU cohesion policy aimed at „reducing development gaps between European countries and regions”. How the new regional development paradigm is approached, what development models are effective at EU level, what are the new approaches and how their choice is justified in the context of the last programming exercises are the questions that this presentation seeks to answer.
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The present work aims to analyze the main events of the Algerian war of independence and Romania's position in relation to it. In the first part, a retrospective of the Franco-Algerian conflict will be made, from its beginning on November 1, 1954 until the conclusion of the Evian Peace Agreement on March 20, 1962. In the second part of the paper, we will present how Romania positioned itself to this conflict. Like almost all states in the communist camp, the RPR helped the Algerian people by sending aid consisting of medicine and clothes to the Algerian Red Crescent in 1958 and 1962. Although there were several contacts, Romania was reluctant to recognize the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic, established in 1958 in exile because there was a possibility that diplomatic relations with France could deteriorate. Thus, the Romanian government waited for the right moment to recognize the Algerian leadership, and this happened on March 20, 1962, after the conclusion of peace, despite the protests of the French Legation in Bucharest. Later, Romania and Algeria established diplomatic relations, and on November 1, 1962, the first official Romanian delegation visited the North African state.
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This section does not require an abstract.If the question were raised, how many hours we spend on social media every day, either consuming or producing content, we would probably be surprised, even though we hardly ever leave the door without our smartphones. Yet we are blind to the effects we face and the manipulated reality influenced by the economic interests of the market players and the political games that go hand in hand. In his book Censorship from Plato to Social Media, Gergely Gosztonyi points out precisely this phenomenon. Still, rather than just focusing on what is happening in the present, he takes us back to the time of ancient Greece, showing that if we look closely, there is nothing new under the sun.
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