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Ein oberflächlich vergleichender Blick auf die Rechtsnormen zur Regelung des Schwangerschaftsabbruches, wie sie in den beiden deutschen Staaten gegolten haben und nach Abschluß des Einigungsvertrages in West- und Ostdeutschland jeweils in Kraft blieben1, legt eindeutige Urteile nahe. Die ostdeutsche Regelung scheint alle Merkmale einer Fristenregelung mit einem uneingeschränkten Entscheidungsrecht der Frau zu tragen, während das westdeutsche Gesetz den Vorrang des ungeborenen Lebens vor Rechten und Interessen der Frau festlegt, mit einigen Ausnahmen, den sogenannten »Indikationen«.
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The paper presents a study aimed at nding psychological determinants for the political involvement of young people. The study involved veri cation of the importance of predictors such as basic hope (measured with the Basic Hope Inventory BHI-12 by Jerzy Trzebiński and Mariusz Zięba) and positive orientation (measured with the Positivity Scale, adapted into Polish by Mariola Łaguna, Piotr Oleś and Dorota Filipiuk) for the dependent variables presented as three autonomous factors: electoral participation, other forms of political participation, and civic attitude. Taking into account the theoretical assumptions connected with the variables, it was hypothesized in the study design process that those variables could play a signi cant role in political involvement. They were assumed to be among the potentially signi cant foundations generating community behaviors and leading to the development of attitudes oriented towards neighbors and the common good. The study (N=422) con rmed these expectations; the bivariate model proved to be the weakest predictor of electoral participation, but was a much better determinant for other forms of political participation and civic attitude.
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The 19th-century popularity and ambiguity of many versions of the motif of Russian inde niteness contributed to popularize the view about its ineffaceable incongruity to the West. On the basis of such ideas the premises of the deep aversion between these two spheres were arising. Against this background, it is clearly visible why despite of the not so rare mutual fascination, the relations between Russians and other European nations were often dominated by con icts of interests, animosities and embarrassment associated with the dif cult past and cultural distance. All of these barriers – in conjunction with the rapid acceleration of historical processes, including the intensi cation of international contacts – were facilitating the creation of fear, distrust, unfortunate statements, wounded pride, contempt and desire for revenge.
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The analysis presented in this paper concerns corporate self-regulatory associations (in Polish: samorząd korporacyjny) based on the principle of mandatory membership of individuals. In this context, it was necessary to outline the nature and directions of development of local governments (in Polish: samorz1d terytorialny) as the core of local authorities. A corporate self-regulatory association, however, is not a unidimensional term that exclusively concerns territorial relations. The system that represents the interests of certain circles also encompasses a highly significant type of special self-regulatory entities (in Polish: samorząd specjalny) identified by different criteria. This includes personal associations that express the interests of individuals representing professions of public trust and business associations whose task is to act in the name of different economic circles. This division is reflected by professional and business self-regulatory associations respectively (in Polish: samorząd zawodowy and samorząd gospodarczy). In the context of globalisation, metropolisation and participatory democracy, self-regulatory associations should be viewed from a slightly differ- ent perspective – not only through the prism of communities organised in terms of territories, but also from the point of view of persons who perform professions of public trust, that is in terms of governance. This is particularly important on account of the necessity to seek new, effective and equal forms of collaboration between local government units and the organisations of special self-regulatory associations.
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The objective of this paper is to analyse the conditions that have enabled effective diffusion of the category of collective memory into the field of social movement studies. This primarily concerns the evolution of ways to theorise the phenomenon of contestation policy which has gradually began to take into account the cultural dimen- sion of social movements, including the practice of assigning meanings that refer to the past. The paper also presents two theoretical-methodological proposals for combining the category of collective memory and studies of contestation policy, namely the concept of the mnemonic ability of the US gay movement and the concept of mnemonic structures of possibilities.
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The paper presents a new insight into the memory processes associated with memory politics at the local level. Firstly, the author opposes the identification of the term “memory politics” with the term “history politics”. Secondly, the author presents a proposal for analyzing public attempts to influence the collective consciousness of the past through the concept of local memory policies. This concept applies to territorial communities smaller than the state-society. The author shows the empirical application of this concept on the example of the city of Poznañ.
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Assoc. Prof. Rossen Stoyanov, PhD in his study "Political Myths - New Religion, a New Communication?" emphasizes that political myth establishes the eternity of the past, the inevitability of the present and the inescapable fate of the future. Myth is the armor of ideology. Political myth often claim the level of belief in the absolute truth of the sacred.
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After a lengthy political crisis, and the postponement of early elections, Macedonia's main parties finally agree to go to the polls in December.
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Youth political participation via state-sponsored institutional settlements has always been considered a goal of youth policies, representing a means of creating politically active and caring citizens. Throughout Europe, however, the number of politically active young people seems to be diminishing, with youth frequently described as apathetic and disengaged. While a growing body of academic research has concentrated on exploring the reasons behind political inactivity, this article explores the motivation and activities of some of the young people who are involved in institutionalised youth organisations, asking if the meanings behind institutional political participation are undergoing a process of change together with the rest of the society. Based on qualitative in-depth interviews, participant observation and analysis of documents (including online communication) collected as part of the research project MYPLACE, we examine the meanings young people attach to their participation. We show that the character of these organisations and motivations behind participation are miscellaneous; sometimes strikingly similar to the forms of participation not traditionally associated with political activism but rather ascribed to disengaged youth.
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This special issue of Studies of Transition States and Societies closes with a concluding discussion that aims to contextualise some of the key findings from the preceding articles. To do so, we use comparative level evidence drawn from other regions included in the MYPLACE consortium, identifyng contrasts and commonalities in how youth politics is practiced across different European regions. The basic approach is one of assessing the extent to which patterns of participation in Estonia diverge from activism elsewhere, thus locating Estonian youth within a broader analytical framework.
More...(Prípadová štúdia Nitriansky samosprávny kraj)
Municipality size affects various factors in the life of municipality. The current research in relation to municipality size is mostly focused on the performance of competences, financial situation, possibilities of development and quality of services. Futhermore in the condition of Slovak republic is no definition what is a small municipality and what is an ideal municipality size hasn´t been defined yet. The article dealt with the analysis of the typology of small municipalities, whether it was possible to determine the categorization of municipalities and define criterions of small municipality. The paper primarily focused on two groups of municipalities: municipalities up to 500 inhabitants and municipalities from 501 to 1,000 inhabitants. Defining criteria were chosen: infrastructure and electoral behaviour (in communal elections 2010 and 2014 in Nitra region). The present study is based on analysis of the infrastructure in municipalities in Nitra region and on the results in communal election in 2010 and 2014. There is a comparison of electoral results according to municipality size. The first part of research showed the infrastructure was relevant dividing criterion for chosen groups of municipalities. In the municipalities to 500 inhabitants was infrastructure at very low level. The second part focused on the results of communal elections based on categorization of municipalities according Act no. 396/1990. Analysis showed that electoral behaviour is not specific for small municipalities to 500 inhabitants. Electoral behaviour couldn´t be considered as a differential criterion between different sizes of municipalities.
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The aim of this article is to show how sport can matter in international relations. Sport can be a subject or a tool of international relations.It can be used by states or geopolitical blocks to display their alleged superiorityor any other desired characteristic. Governments may desire athletic victories,which are meant to imply, for example, the power of the state and its political and economic system. Participation in sport can also be used for political reasons on an international scale; a number of political objectives can be achieved by states by participating (or not) in sports events. Not only is sport affected by a country’s policies, but on certain occasions sports events can influence states.
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Dvije opasnosti vrebaju Francusku u poslijeratnome svijetu. Prva je više ili manje neposredna; druga je vreba više iz daleka, ali je također neusporedivo tegobnija.
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An attempt to analyze the opinions of Russian and foreign scholars reflected in various publications about the Russian intelligentsia of the 20th — the beginning of the 21st centuries is undertaken. The political and public importance of intelligentsia in the history of Russia, its features, destinies, changes connected to the transition of society to new parameters of the world space are revealed.
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Analyzed are the reasons of the transition in the 1930-s in the Soviet Union to the national-patriotic ideology, the influence of this turn on the Soviet educational system. The article shows the changes in the sphere of historical education and reveals the reasons of these changes.
More...a Comparative Study
The paper presents findings of the comparative study on relationships between remembrance story-telling and the transitional reconstruction of political identities. It identifies in which areas and fields of impact governments tend to use interpretations of the past to promote new leadership visions of society. Moreover, it verifies theoretical hypotheses related to the politicised remembrance and its role as a political asset during transformations, as well as it considers the theoretical framework of democracy-building (and a common prediction of its universal character). As a result, the study offers a detailed picture of the way remembrance narratives are transformed into explanations, justifications or legitimisation of new, post-authoritarian identities based on qualitative-to-quantitative analysis of the intensity of story-telling and its links with transitional identity politics. In the conclusion, the Authors present their consideration of research findings, and they discuss it with reference to the nature of transitional government’s remembrance policy as a sphere of social influence.
More...The Politics of Historical Memory in East–Central Europe
This paper has been based on three assumptions that have been widely discussed in the international political science: (1) there has been a decline of democracy in East–Central Europe (ECE) with the emergence of “velvet dictatorships”, (2) the velvet dictatorships rely on the soft power of media and communication rather on the hard power of state violence that has provoked “cultural wars“ and (3) the basic turning point is the transition from the former modernization narrative to the traditional narrative with “reinventing the past” and “reconceptualising modernity” through the reference to the historically given collective national identity by launching the “politics of historical memory”. The velvet dictatorships have been using and abusing the national history as an ideological drug to consolidate their power. The (social and national) populism and Euroscepticism are the basic twin terms to describe the soft power of the new (semi)authoritarian regimes. They are convertible, the two sides of the same coin, since they express the same divergence from the EU mainstream from inside and outside. Soft power means that the political contest in the new regimes has been transferred from the hard to the soft fields of politics as the fight between the confronting narratives. The victory of the traditionalist–nativist narrative carries also the message that the people are only passive “subjects” and not active citizens, so the field of politics has been extremely narrowed in the “new brave world” in ECE.
More...Class Politics that Have Never a Chance to Happen
Trade unions in Poland have not built the stable and long–term relations with political parties as are observed in Western democracies. By analysing the historical and symbolic background of the transformation to a democratic civil society and free market economy, political preferences of working class, trade union membership rates, and public opinion polls, we argue that, in case of Poland, the initial links between political parties and trade unions weakened over time. Polish trade unions never had a chance to become a long–term intermediary between society and political parties, making the Polish case study a double exception from the traditional models.
More...Fact or Fiction?
The Welsh identity is undisputable in national (i.e. ethnic), social, cultural and even economic dimensions however it is doubtful in political sphere because vast majority of the Welsh still cannot decide if they are more Welsh or British. The ’double identity’ dilemma was visible especially during devolution referendums voting in 1979, 1997 and 2011 when non–political motives were often much more determinative then the factor of belonging to the Welsh community in political meaning. Thus, answering to the question about devolution referendum role in shaping political dimension of Welshness requires thoroughly analyse of the mentioned referendums results as an evident figures of public support for establishing legal and institutional guarantees of maintaining and developing all aspects of national identity. In the article has been contained description how the Welsh relations to the idea of self–determination (in frames of the wide internal autonomy) have changed by last 35 years. An author shows also barriers and factors fostering this process.
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