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Three political movements inspired by Islamism, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in Egypt, the National Outlook [Milli Görüş, NO], and the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in Turkey have employed miscellaneous political strategies since their emergence on the political arena. The strategies of two movements, the MB and the NO, eventually carried them to power, yet strikingly, they both could remain in power for approximately one year, between 2012 and 2013, and between 1996 and 1997 respectively. Then, they were ousted by military coups. Being founded in 2001 by the former NO members after the 1997 military coup, the JDP has been in power since 2002 to date, 2017, by employing different strategies than the former two movements. This article aims at investigating why three political parties have differed so much in terms of their political success although their roots are almost in the same ideology, namely Islamism. Two research questions are formed and answered in the article that ultimately argues that political parties inspired by Islamism may differ in their levels of political success if they employ different political strategies. The article also determines the strategies that bring about political success to the extent that they relate to Islamism.
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The aim of this article is to show through the comparative analysis, the basic characteristics of regional policy, or the policy of support to the development of less developed areas in our country compared to the regional policy of European Union, with an accent on the instruments for implementation of that policy. Without putting accent on different starting positions for those two development policies, what is for sure the main reason of differences in realised results, the experiences of European Union can be in any case useful and instructive for Serbia as a country with a task of regionalisation and establishment of an effective regional policy being a necessity in the forthcoming period.
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The purpose of this article is to conduct a comparative analysis of the competitiveness of the EU and the US economies, in a systemic framework, that is, with respect to the main components of country’s economic system that determine its competitiveness. The analysis is based on the systemic framework of economic competitiveness and growth, developed by T.J. Hämäläinen. The analysis of the available data indicates that the US achieved better results in six of the seven study areas, that is: 1) productive resources; 2) innovation and diffusion; 3) organizational efficiency of the economic system; 4) product market characteristics; 5) institutional framework; 6) government policy and activities. As far as the EU is concerned, it has potentially bigger opportunities to benefit from the greater (than in the US) involvement of foreign investors on its market. However, this is not a factor that can compensate for the UE’s weaknesses in other areas. It will be extremely difficult to improve the international competitiveness of the EU without introducing significant changes, that is in particular, without significant improvement of the organizational efficiency and without – even partial – resignation from (so characteristic for the EU member states) policy of maintaining high government spending (in relation to GDP).
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Strategic culture in the theory of international relations is now one of the most important concepts explaining the rules of military behaviour by individual states. In contrast to realism and idealism, its focuses on the influence of internal factors on foreign policy, such as historical experience, national identity, morals in society, and perception of diplomacy by political elites. It therefore allows us to respond to many questions that researchers are not able to answer based solely on the theory of political realism ‒ the perception of national security threats by governments, the national way of war, the socially-acceptable level of victims, the attitude of armed forces to the use of new technologies, or trust to allies. The purpose of this article is to compare the strategic culture of the United States and the People's Republic of China ‒ states with significantly different strategic cultures, historical experience, national identity and methods of warfare. The content of this article may be useful to any person interested in Sino-American relations, political rivalry in the Western Pacific and a possible future war between these powers
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Rousseau’s philosophy can be situated as a continuum between the ancient and the modern traditions; we argue that it does not fully belong to either and this is particularly evident in his discussion of liberty. Our point of departure is a view that in order to grasp peculiarity of Rousseaus’ understanding of liberty we need to go beyond the liberal tradition and its scheme of thinking about freedom as well as beyond the intuitive understanding of liberty. The second part of the article presents an analysis of the four different meanings of liberty that we find in Rousseau’s theory: natural, social, moral and civil. The most important for political philosophy is his discussion of the shift from the natural to social and civil liberty and the insistence that true freedom cannot be totally separated from morality. Finally, we discuss some of the contemporary interpretations of Rousseau’s political thought which often emphasize one of the different meanings of liberty that we find in his writings.
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Poland as well as many European countries is facing demographic crisis. Aging society, changing model of the family and reduced birth rate are serious issues that demand a reaction. Above matters are beyond doubt. However, there is a doubt answering the question what do we do in order to prevent those trends and if we are effective. This paper analyses demographic threats Poland is facing, factors which have impact on birthrate, as well as pro-family and pro-social policy of state. In pursuit of alternatives, solutions from USA shall be presented. Differences in redistribution level, and relation to it will be a subject of analysis, as they should become the source of reflection and inspiration in order to find solutions for problems in Poland and Europe.
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In this paper we analyze the influence of populist ideas on the emergence and organization of new political parties in Serbia after the elections in 2007 and 2008. These elections represent the turning point in the development of the party system because only after the pro-European consensus among Democrats and Socialists was formed, the division within Serbian Radical Party occurred and the ideological space occupied by the relevant parties has narrowed. On the other hand, high level of distrust in politics among the citizens and lowering of the state of democracy facilitate the emergence of new actors who are, almost by rule, under the influence of the growing wave of populism in the world. In this paper, we apply the ideational approach to populism and, using the new actors as example, we aim to identify ideological and organizational variations which can develop under the influence of populism, as well as differences which emerge from the interpretation of populism in Serbia compared to some other countries.
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The aim of this study is to estimate Anavatan Party founded in the re-transitional period to democracy after military coup of the 12th September in the framework of theories of emergency, party typologies and institutionalization criteria. The questions on which the foundation of ANAP can be clarified in the context of theories of emergency, how this can be evaluated in terms of party typologies and how they can be explained in the context of institutionalization criteria were focused in the study. For the first of all the historical appearance of the party (the instituting process, founding staff, basic values, ideology, the breaking moments from the historical viewpoint) was examined in the study. It came to conclusion that ANAP had been a party emerged in framework of Crisis Theory; Legitimacy Crisis, Theories of Participation Crisis within the context of theories of emergency and finally out of Parliament pursuant to Institutive Theory; In the context of Party Typologies, a result was accomplished that ANAP had peculiarity of a Mass party but had the characteristics of the Catch All Party. It was concluded that complexity and autonomy were strong but the aspects of adaptivity and coherence were weak within the framework of institutionalization criteria.
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The author discusses the views of the Yugoslav Social Democratic Party (the JSDS) and some of its representatives on the dispute between the German-Austrian and the Czech-Slavic Social Democratic parties regarding a centralist or an autonomous form of Austrian trade organizations. He draws attention to the fact that, in 1912, on the occasion of its VIIth convention the JSDS unanimously condemned the attainment of independence of the Czech Social Democrats in the Austrian trade union movement. He establishes, however that the JSDS overlooked the historic stand of the Czech-Slavic (party wich advocated an independent policy in the class-struggle of a nation engaged in national liberation movement, thus manifesting that it was unaware of the national role of the revolutionary labour party.
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Anti-communism is as old as communism, maybe even older. In the Communist Manifesto Marx writes about the “spectre of communism”, which “haunts Europe” and against which “all powers of old Europe” have united: “Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies”. The communist party had not yet been created, the program had not crystallised yet, there were not yet people who would have identified themselves with the ideas of communism. Nevertheless, representatives of the old feudal and the new capitalist worlds had already protested against them. And they opposed them fiercely, using all available tools, both legal (prison sentences, fines) and extra-legal (assaults on members of left-wing organisations, destruction and arson of their premises, social ostracism).
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In this paper author examines unusual phenomenon that ‘Third Way’ and ‘Risk Socity’ paradigm between ‘old’ social democracy and neo-liberalism, elaborated by sociolo-gists in Great Britain, Germany, France and US in 1990s, the editorial writer for the new-est Collection of social transformation processes’ research findings in Serbia explicitly, together with other contributors, promotes as the most adequate approach to examination of contemporary societies a dozen of years later. Curiosity consists in the fact that the end of the first decade of the XXI Century presents precisely the historical moment in which explosive manifestation of systemic global accumulation of capital crisis empirically reve-als inherent contradictions of both capitalist mode of production and the ‘Third Way’ and ‘Risk Society’ paradigm.
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The essay is dealing with the new post-modern political context that will softly get beyond, nowadays old context set by the French Revolution with all its opposites (revolution/restauration, the left/the right, republic/monarchy, red/black etc.). This new post-modern context will, instead of opposites of revolution and restoration i.e. opposites of classic left and classic right, mark opposites of extreme margin and central synthesis i.e. opposites of margin and centre, becoming the point of rotation of the political field nowadays. These new developments in political philosophy and political sociology will come on scene with series of philosophers, sociologists, politiciologies and lawthinkers who will resist to any alignment on the left, the right or the centre in its classical meaning, and the most distinctive among them will be Georges Sorel and Robert Michels, as well as, lately god deal mentioned Carl Schmitt, wherefore in this essay the attention is applied to their contribution in getting beyond the old context of French Revolution.
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Aim of the article is to elucide the very problem of openness through deconstruction of the concept of totalitarianism deffined as a contrary to liberalism. In the first part author elaborates new concept of totalitarianism as defined with three main components of the phenomena: 1) Transcendental agreement (convenant) in relation to the eshatological truth given in four topos within the scope of modern ideas: god, nation, social class, man; 2) Tautology of legitimization – in relation to the Other; 3) Scientization of charisma – in relation to the world; 4) Political Messianism and Manicheism – in relation to the self. Historical explanation provides the genesis of the concept of heavenly contract through the transformation of transcendence into the immanence of the world through three cases: 1) Puritanism of the 16th Century (Jean Calvin and John Knox); 2) Jacobinism of the 18th Century (Rousseau and Robespierre); 3) Marxism of the 19-20th Century (from Marx to Lenin).
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Kako izgraditi vlastitu budućnost i kakva je budućnost sveta - osnovno je pitanje kojim se bavi autor članka "Bez razumne alternative" M. Prokopijević. Njegov zaključak je jednostavan: potrebno je kopirati Zapad, prihvatiti u potpunosti njegove institucije i njegovu kulturu, koja je tobože superiorna i univerzalna, tj. opštečovečanska.
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The deconsolidation of democracy is a new phenomenon which is not provided forin the specialized works. This phenomenon was supposed to be unlikely or possible only through acoup d’etat or after a war. But countries such as Poland, Hungary and Romania (in an incipientform) have shown us that functional democracy can be diluted as a cosequence of some controversialpolitical measures. In this study we aim at observing what has happened in these three states and towhat extent deconsolidation of democracy has been possible and especially if this process is a reversibleone. We want to understand if this democratic deconstruction can appear in young democratic states ormay appear at random, irrespective of the democratic tradition present in that state.
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Surveys show ideological polarization in the case in relation toward former and actual political system, which is a litle less expressed in relation toward democracy. Polatization is folowing a line: partisans of the ruling party - partisans of opposing parties.
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The paper analyses the relationship between an old concept (democracy) and a new one (totalitarianism), showing that in the contemporary social and political theory there is mostly their ideological interpretation and conflict. The author deals with the historical usage of both concepts, pointing out that even in the best theoretical works the origin of the term “totalitarianism” has been neglected.
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Ja nisam prvi koji otkriva zamke koje prate pojam revolucije, kada se brani njena eksplozivna praktična moć od naučne vivsekcije. Hannah Arendt je pre osam godina na više od tri stotine stranica; svojom uobičajenom sjajnom erudicijom analizirala teško odredivo značenje ovog pojma.
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