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Социологически и демографски анализ на избрани уязвими групи

Author(s): Mila Mancheva,Miryana Ilcheva,Maria Doichinova,Lyubomira Derelieva / Language(s): Bulgarian

Within the framework of the initiative Civic organizations: a Guarantee for Equal Rights of Vulnerable Groups before the State of the Center for the Study of Democracy the socio-demographic analysis of four selected vulnerable groups – prisoners, refugees and migrants, victims of trafficking and domestic violence – outlines the profile of each of those groups and its components, putting it in particular vulnerability in its relations with institutions. Special attention is given to children from each group as having their specifics, requiring special attention by state agencies. The analysis is based on information by institutions and NGOs and points to lack of unified criteria and low level of comparability of data.

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Izbor - Kosmet, 2007 / 04 / 27

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

KRITIČNO VREME ZA BEZBEDNOST NA KOSOVU (Zëri - Priština) UZBUNA OCA SAVE JANJIĆA - JEFTINA ROBA ZA «POLITIČKO TRŽIŠTE» (Iliria Post - Priština) ŠANSA ZA NASILJE (Infopress - Priština) ŠTA PRIŠTINA PREDSTAVLJA ZA ALBANIJU? (LajmeNet - Tirana) SRBA I RUSA - 150 MILIONA (Shqip - Tirana) MILOŠEVIĆ JE U HAG DONEO I PAD REZOLUCIJE 1244 (55 - Tirana) ANTIKOSOVSKA NESLOGA UNUTAR EU (Gazeta shqiptare - Tirana) KOSOVARIZOVANI ALBANCI U ZAJEDNIČKOJ KOSOVSKOJ PORODICI (Iliria Post - Priština) VANREDNO STANJE (Zëri - Priština) TROŠE SE KREDITI BEOGRADA (Express - Priština) KAKO BI TREBALO ČUVATI KOSOVSKO JEDINSTVO POSLE PRIZNANJA DRŽAVE KOSOVO? (Zëri - Priština) SRBI SA KOSOVA SE ULJULJKUJUU POLITIČKOJ KOLEVCI BEOGRADA (Iliria Post - Priština) GOVORI, EVROPO! (Koha ditore - Priština) ŠTA TREBA URADITI DA NA KOSOVU TOKOM OVE GODINE BUDU ODRŽANI LOKALNI I OPŠTI IZBORI? (Zëri - Priština) MLAKA OČEKIVANJA (Lajm - Priština) SRAMOTA EVROPSKOG TIMA ZA PLANIRANJE! (Infopress - Priština) NEŠTO ŠTO SE NIKAKO NEĆE DOGODITI! (Zëri - Priština) EJDE I SRPSKI MEDIJI! (Infopress - Priština) «ODLAZAK» SRBIJE (Metrpol - Tirana) ALBANSKI DEMOGRAFSKI POTENCIJAL NA ZAPADNOM BALKANU - DODATNI FAKTOR ZA NEZAVISNOST KOSOVA (Kosovapress - Priština) KLIMA I KOSOVO (Koha ditore - Priština) HAMITI: «NEZAVISNOST NIJE SAMO POLITIČKO IZJAŠNJAVANJE VEĆ IMA EGZISTENCIJALNI SMISAO» (Koha ditore - Priština)

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №02: Potential For Changes

Author(s): Slobodan Inić,Vladimir Ilić / Language(s): English

(English edition) This report contains the analysis of data collected during the month of October 1999. One should have in mind this time frame-when considering the findings, drawing different generalizations or setting guidelines for possible actions. Sets of values of members of the observed generation, their social awareness, perception of the past and present, their stance on the West, and above all their potential to bring about changes are essentially determined by some long-standing and less intensive structural factors. To put it simply a generation of people who today have between 25 and 35 years, and who represent the future of the country, was to a large extent formed under the influence of structural features of the society eroded by constant wars and war threats, protracted economic crisis, internal conflicts and strife and total confusion in the sphere of social awareness and public moral. The generation which in the last decade came of age in such a society per force had to reflect its essential characteristics, despite a relative autonomy which each age groups had as its inherent characteristic. Young people and even relatively young people, to which the respondents of this survey belong, have a determined biological and psychological potential which can help them partially overcome the given moment of time and which usually indicates some of their future contents and values in the present day. In that sense one could expect that the mind-set of the observed generation substantially differs from so-called social conscience. But in conditions of an ever-deepening social crisis, in which the process of coming-of-age unfolded under pressure of retrograde, rather than progressive social factors, the aforementioned advantages of such a generation are less manifest, since their potential crumbles under pressure of a regressive society. One must bear in mind the aforementioned and thus avoid to treat unjustly the observed age group: they are expected to be the creators of the Serbian society at the beginning of the Twenty-first century, but it is pretty obvious that their social actions will be affected by a sorry legacy of the social and moral collapse. In fact they were not less predestined than the earlier generations to be unequipped for the contemporary world. They simply developed under much less favorable conditions. But this should not minimize their responsibility for the future development of society in Serbia. On the other hand such adverse development factors should be borne in mind if one truly wishes to understand the traits of this generation, instead of bluntly condemning them. My intention is not to prejudge results evidenced by this survey, but it bears mentioning that it is easier to reject the middle generation in Serbia, like Serbia proper, than to try to understand and render assistance to both.

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №02: Potencijal za promene

Author(s): Slobodan Inić,Vladimir Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

This report contains the analysis of data collected during the month of October 1999. One should have in mind this time frame-when considering the findings, drawing different generalizations or setting guidelines for possible actions. Sets of values of members of the observed generation, their social awareness, perception of the past and present, their stance on the West, and above all their potential to bring about changes are essentially determined by some long-standing and less intensive structural factors. To put it simply a generation of people who today have between 25 and 35 years, and who represent the future of the country, was to a large extent formed under the influence of structural features of the society eroded by constant wars and war threats, protracted economic crisis, internal conflicts and strife and total confusion in the sphere of social awareness and public moral. The generation which in the last decade came of age in such a society per force had to reflect its essential characteristics, despite a relative autonomy which each age groups had as its inherent characteristic. Young people and even relatively young people, to which the respondents of this survey belong, have a determined biological and psychological potential which can help them partially overcome the given moment of time and which usually indicates some of their future contents and values in the present day. In that sense one could expect that the mind-set of the observed generation substantially differs from so-called social conscience. But in conditions of an ever-deepening social crisis, in which the process of coming-of-age unfolded under pressure of retrograde, rather than progressive social factors, the aforementioned advantages of such a generation are less manifest, since their potential crumbles under pressure of a regressive society. One must bear in mind the aforementioned and thus avoid to treat unjustly the observed age group: they are expected to be the creators of the Serbian society at the beginning of the Twenty-first century, but it is pretty obvious that their social actions will be affected by a sorry legacy of the social and moral collapse. In fact they were not less predestined than the earlier generations to be unequipped for the contemporary world. They simply developed under much less favorable conditions. But this should not minimize their responsibility for the future development of society in Serbia. On the other hand such adverse development factors should be borne in mind if one truly wishes to understand the traits of this generation, instead of bluntly condemning them. My intention is not to prejudge results evidenced by this survey, but it bears mentioning that it is easier to reject the middle generation in Serbia, like Serbia proper, than to try to understand and render assistance to both.

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №04: Individualna i kolektivna prava manjina

Author(s): Rada Beronja,Dragan Dabić,Tatjana Ivelić,Nedim Sejdimović,Vladeta Stanković,Vlastimira Stanković / Language(s): Serbian

In view of the key importance of inter-ethnic relations and status of national minorities in Serbia for development of democracy, Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, Centre for Regionalism, the Vojvodina Club and Centre for Multiculturality have organised the round-table "National Minorities in Serbia" on 8 and 9 September 2000 in Novi Sad. Participants in this round-table were representatives of several dozen NGOs from Vojvodina and Serbia, representatives of political parties, prominent public personalities and experts for minority rights and ethnic relations. In a two-day debate participants in the round-table underscored that peace, tolerance and democratization of the society represent the basic prerequisite of the exercise of individual and collective rights and freedoms in the Republic of Serbia. Considering that a social community in the Republic of Serbia has a markedly heterogeneous cultural character and the fact that it is faced with pronounced ethnification of politics and intolerant nationalism, our discussion confirmed that the majority nation, that is, the ruling political establishment, were to be blamed for such a poor status of inter-ethnic relations. Hence the current political authorities cannot be relieved of responsibility from catastrophic consequences of internal conflicts and external and internal isolation. After analysing institutions and real social and political processes and actions of the most influential political protagonists, it was established that we all must insist on comprehensive implementation of ideas and legal-constitutional norms determining the Republic of Serbia as a state of equitable citizens, and the one guaranteeing corresponding standards in attainment and exercise of collective rights of national minorities in Serbia. Unfortunately during our discussion we identified through a host of examples a pronounced gulf between proclaimed norms and concrete reality in the sphere of protection of national minorities rights, notably in development and expression of their cultural identity. After the SFRY disintegration, the problem of "new minorities", notably Croats, Bosniaks, and Macedonians, emerged in Serbia. This problem entails official recognition of those minorities and concrete legal regulation of their status and rights. During preparations for the 2001 census scientific and cultural institutions and representative bodies should lay the groundwork for facilitating the free declaration of nationality by citizens. This particularly applies to Bosniaks, who have been deprived of that right to date. It is also expected that the democratic opposition of Serbia shall take a clear public stand on manner of resolution of minority problems, and incorporate pertinent proposals into their program of changes, offered as an alternative to the current regime. We brought into prominence the need to revive earlier initiatives for adoption of the Act on National Minorities in the Republic of Serbia, aimed at removing current shortcomings and imprecise points, and boosting harmonisation of domestic legal and political practice with the European standards on the Protection of Minorities. Our discussion indicated that the Republic Serbia in its relations with almost all neighbouring countries disregards the issue of minorities, and that this negligence is in turn reflected in the status of minorities and has a negative impact on relations between the majority and minorities. The role of ecological issues was discussed in the context of good-neighbourly relations, for they alike the minority issue clear the way for establishment of broad and efficient communications. Considering regional trends within the context of Europe those two issues can play an important role in the inclusion of Serbia in the project of European regions. Participants think that the Stability Pact is a conceptual framework for analysis of the most important problems and devising models of their resolution.

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What works, what doesn't: International perspectives on balancing work and care

Author(s): Nina Bosničová,Jitka Kolářová,Linda Sokačová,Julia Kubisa,Mária Jacková,Oľga Pietruchová,Theresa Baumeister,Kateřina Jonášová,Pavla Frýdlová,Simona Hanusová / Language(s): English

Dear readers, This publication will present you with examples of work-life balance provisions in several European countries: the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Germany and Poland. International perspectives from countries which are geographically, culturally and historically related to the Czech Republic can lend direction and inspiration to the policy makers who shape the family, social and employment policies in the Czech Republic now and in the future. Although we culturally share many notions on gender roles and the position of women and men with our neighbors, the texts in this publication show there are great differences among the specific policies in each country and their impact on the real lives of women and men. Julia Kubisa from Poland, for example, describes the development of family policy in Poland in the last decade and its effects, including the legal aspects regarding professional babysitting, the abolishment of the parental allowance, and the policy of paternity leave. Good practices in these areas are discussed by Oľga Pietruchová and Mária Jacková, who describe work-life balance provisions and flexible parental allowance mechanisms in Slovakia. In addition, examples from Germany illustrate a well-conceived and stable approach to family policy. A series of interviews with Czech women living abroad gives a comparative perspective on work-life balance policies in different countries and the ways these policies affect families’ choices and living conditions. [...]

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Women on the Labour Market: Today and in the Future

Author(s): Vladimír Špidla,Kateřina Jacques,Agnieszka Rochon,Ewa Lisowska,Helena Skálová,Alexandra Jachanová Doleželová,Marie Valentová,Radka Dudová,Kairi Talves,Alice Červinková,Marcela Linková,Monika Bosá,Jasna A. Petrović,Heike Jensen / Language(s): English

Dear readers, We are pleased to bring to your attention Women on labour market: today and in the future, a book, which is one of the outcomes of the project Fit for Gender Mainstreaming - Gender-Sensitive Transcending of Borders between East and West. Based on cross-border qualification initiatives for multipliers and public events in all countries participating in the “East-West Dialogue”, the goal of the project is to advance gender mainstreaming strategies on a local level and enhance exchange of experiences and qualifications. The publication follows up the international conference Future of Women on the Labour Market, which took place under the auspices of Kateřina Jacques, a Member of Parliament, in Prague in October 2007. Our goal is to assess situation of women on the labour market, refer to persisting inequalities and inspire discussion about the future. We are aware of the fact that gender equality policies need a thorough evaluation to prevent biased application, which may lead to cementing gender stereotypes instead of disrupting them. Our texts address not only decision-makers, but they also represent a call for solidarity between women, since its lack often stands for a barrier in achieving equality. Thus, we decided to focus some of our current activities especially on women.

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Attempts at Reforming Egyptian Demographic Policy

Author(s): Sara Nowacka / Language(s): English

The population of Egypt, the EU’s second-most populous neighbour after Russia, will soon exceed 100 million. The fast pace of the population growth together with the country’s inefficient economy could spur new crises caused by rising unemployment and difficult access to drinking water and food resources, and by politics. The Egyptian government, in cooperation with the EU, U.S., and UN, launched programmes aimed at reducing the fertility rate. Limiting the pace of Egypt’s population growth should weaken factors inciting further destabilisation of the Middle East and North Africa.

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Próby reformy polityki demograficznej Egiptu

Author(s): Sara Nowacka / Language(s): Polish

Populacja Egiptu, najliczniejszego po Rosji sąsiada UE, wkrótce przekroczy 100 mln. W połączeniu z niesprawną gospodarką może to przyczynić się do wybuchu nowych kryzysów – na tle rosnącego bezrobocia, dostępu do wody i żywności oraz politycznych. W odpowiedzi na te wyzwania rząd, we współpracy z Unią Europejską, Stanami Zjednoczonymi i ONZ, podejmuje działania w celu zmniejszenia wskaźnika dzietności. Obniżenie tempa wzrostu populacji Egiptu pomoże ograniczyć dalszą destabilizację Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki Północnej.

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Russia’s Demographics: Is the Boat Sinking Again?

Author(s): Stanislav Secrieru / Language(s): English

The record high outflow of capital from Russia in 2014 is the most obvious consequence of the Kremlin’s military intrusion into Ukraine. But it is not only investors who resent the regional security crisis and economic uncertainty. Preliminary data for 2014 and early 2015 show that Russian citizens are leaving the country in greater numbers, while Russia does not attract as many migrants as before. Shrinking human capital, coupled with a massive cash exodus will, if they continue for a long period, weaken the Russian economy and might shatter its power position in the post-Soviet neighbourhood.

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Demografia Rosji – znów tonący okręt?

Author(s): Stanislav Secrieru / Language(s): Polish

Rekordowy odpływ kapitału z Rosji w 2014 r. jest najjaskrawszą konsekwencją rosyjskiej interwencji militarnej na Ukrainie. Jednak nie tylko inwestorów zniechęcają regionalny kryzys bezpieczeństwa i gospodarcza niepewność. Wstępne dane o roku 2014 i początku 2015 wskazują, że rosyjscy obywatele dużo liczniej opuszczają swój kraj, podczas gdy Rosja przyciąga mniej imigrantów niż wcześniej. Zmniejszanie się zasobów kapitału ludzkiego wraz z odpływem środków finansowych w dłuższym okresie mogą osłabić rosyjską gospodarkę i jej wpływy na obszarze postradzieckim.

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Barometru social Reșița

Author(s): Bruno Stefan,Andrade Bichescu,Gheorghe Popovici / Language(s): Romanian

The report presents the results of the first referendum and local census conducted in Romania. The research followed several aspects: 1. Identifying the number of buildings built as people's homes: apartments, houses, boarding schools, dormitories, children's homes, cottages, etc. 2. Identifying the number of Romanian citizens who have a permanent residence in the city, even if at the time of the survey some were away in other localities in the country or abroad. 3. Assessment of external migration: how many people went abroad, in which countries, for what reasons, how much they earn, in what field they work, if they work with an employment contract or not, if there is an intention to return to the country, if there is an intention of others locals to emigrate, the reasons that would determine them to return / stay in Resita. 4. The attitude of the population towards certain plans of the City Hall (tourism development, modernization of public transport, construction of an Aqua Park, construction of a Mall, rehabilitation of educational units, construction of an industrial museum, rehabilitation of "Mircea Chivu" stadium, rehabilitation of streets, construction of an area promenade on the right bank of the Bârzava).

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Youth - Social ornament or social capital?

Author(s): Miloš Knežević,Petar Đukanović / Language(s): English

The project “Young people in Montenegro – social ornament or social capital?” seeks to contribute to the empowerment of young people in Montenegro and to their active participation in the promotion of democratic values that also lie at the foundation of the European Union. More specifically, the objective of this project is to raise the awareness of the public and interested parties about the issues, problems and the prospects of young people in Montenegro, as well as to strengthen the capacities of young people for active participation in social and political processes. The importance of this project is reflected in the fact that it provides a comprehensive insight into one of the most marginalised social groups in the Montenegrin society – a group that is often talked about, but whose needs, opinions, views and potential have never been adequately recognised or assessed. Consequently, the young people lack the tools to confront the challenge of carving a place for themselves in the society and exerting influence on the current affairs.

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