"Kretanje" nepokretne imovine beogradskih Jevreja kao posledica Holokausta

Author(s): Haris Dajc,Maja Vasiljevic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2014

The focus of this research is the process of arianization of the immovable Jewish property in Belgrade and its fate in the post war years. The introduction is focused on the life of Belgrade Jews in the prewar years, first Antisemitic laws and discrimination of Belgrade Jews. In a course of the few months and years once equal citizens lost their jobs and positions. The worst happened after the German occupation in April 1941. the new authorities made lists of all Belgrade Jews and all of their property. After the Holocaust there were less than 15% of Belgrade Jews left with just scratches of their prewar ossessions. The new Yugoslavia did not help much economical situation of its Jewish citizens, the mechanics of keeping as state property the immovable property that was taken as the result of the Holocaust, remained strong and constant in the decades following 1945. The 4 different case studies describe different cases of nationalization of the Jewish property by the Yugoslav state. Outcome in all of the 4 cases was the same and although the old owners were accepted as the Nazi victims their property was still the property of the old Belgrade bourgeoisie. That is the reason why the Holocaust in Belgrade and its consequences were so devastating and one of the answers why once big and prosperous Jewish community of Belgrade could not escape hard post war years.

"Panslavizem, panslavizem, bi se kričalo od vseh strani!" K zgodovini slovanstva, slovenstva in nemškega strahu pred panslavizmom 1788-1861

Author(s): Marko Zajc / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2009

The idea of Slavism is inseparably linked with the development of the Slovenian national thought. The use of wider, Slavic notion to surpass provincial and regional borders was present since the very beginning of the Slovenian nationalism which was closely connected with the neighbouring German element. Herders's views on language as the essence of the nation and his praise of Slavs play an important role. At the end of Napoleon's Wars a general fear of Russia overcame Europe. Three different aspects of attitude towards Russia existed in the German-Austrian public: Russia as a reactionary state (internal policy aspect), Russia as a Slavic force (national aspect) and Russia as an expansive force (foreign policy aspect). The Slovenian national movement also operated in this context and had to struggle against being accused of Panslavism and Pro-Russianism from the beginning of its political action.

"Plutajući označitelji": pregovaranja oko značenja nacionalnog u Crnoj Gori na Internet-forumu Café del Montenegro

Author(s): Carna Brkovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2008

The paper represents the analysis of the narratives that deal with the sentiment of national belonging in Montenegro within the chat room Café del Montenegro. The practice of the Internet chat room users is perceived as cultural engagement – „practicing" the State and the emotion of national identification of its own kind. By writing, arguing, negotiating the meaning of the state and nation an abundance of different and broken knowledge’s are created- many histories, geographies, ethics and politics are offered. On the one hand, these directly undermines, jeopardizes and questions the power of the State narrative, hitherto negotiating the nation, the State, authentic devotion, simultaneously manufacturing the state-nation as a reality. The result of mutual correspondence in the chat room is persistent negotiation of the meaning of national categories in Montenegro over the years.

"Slovenski" prostor na Ogrskem po obnovi ustavnega življenja. Značilnosti (ne)demokratizacije in (ne)pluralizacije na levi strani Mure (1861-1918)

Author(s): Filip Cucek / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2009

In the following contribution the author analyses the "Slovenian part" of Hungary after the restoration of the constitutional life in the Habsburg Monarchy in the light of democracy and democratisation of society, when nationalism kept increasingly asserting itself in the political life. The author demonstrates that nationalism was far slower to affirm itself among the "Slovenians" on the left bank of the river Mura as among those on the right bank. The link between both banks has existed since the 1860s and was "established" by the Slovenian intellectuals from Carniola and Styria, who were actually only getting to know the people on the other side of Mura. In the time of democratisation, the developments were different in Hungary as in the Austrian part of the Monarchy. If before the turn of the century the Cisleithanian Slovanians acquired certain rights and "transformed" their initial unification policy into a modern plural political party life (in Carniola in the beginning of the 1890s and in Styria after the turn of the century), the "Slovenians" in Hungary have not organised themselves politically until the very dissolution of the double monarchy. Instead they were largely left to the Hungarian national "wave". Only after World War I can we really start talking about the linguistic and cultural unity of the Slovenians from the Prekmurje region with the other Slovenians.

"Soft Power" in the Service of Foreign Policy Strategy of the Russian Federation

Author(s): Jelica Kurjak / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

"Srbija jača od Nokie"

Politike identiteta u postkomunističkoj Srbiji

Author(s): Miroslava Maleševic / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

"Vy máte iného ducha!" Žilinská deklarácia - národno-politický aspekt slovenského evanjelického reformného hnutia

Author(s): László Matus / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 1/2015

The constitution of the Evangelical-Lutheran Church in Kingdom of Hungary was established by the 1891-94 synod. This constitution had a tendency towards centralization and greatly restricted the autonomy of the church. The centralized administration rendered it possible for the leaders of the church to reduce the autonomy of Slovak Lutherans, who had majority in the Cis-Danubian district, by redrawing the borders of the districts. In the new districts the Slovak Lutherans found themselves in minority everywhere, losing their influence on decision making.This lead to the Žilina Declaration, which was signed by 68 north-west Hungarian Slovak congregations at the end of 1912 and the beginning of 1913. The declaration criticised the centralization and the concomitant tendencies towards Hungarian linguistic and the ideological nationalization of the church, and it even raised the issue of forming autonomous Slovak districts.The present study analyses the political context of the above mentioned document. The author uses primary sources because the topic lacks historiographical literature. The first research question of the study is whether the co-operation of the Slovak congregations was as an ad-hoc association or, rather, the result of the mobilisation of an institutionalized group. The second research question discusses the various representations of the relevance of the aforementioned congregational co-operation in the Slovak national narrative. In order to answer these questions the author relies on both political science theories and secularisation theories.

"Zelené kádry" jako radikální alternativa pro venkov na západním Slovensku a ve středovýchodní Evropě 1917 - 1920

Author(s): Jakub Beneš / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 2/2015

This article explores the phenomenon of the ‘Green Cadres' at the end of the First World War in Austria-Hungary, with a focus on events in western Slovakia 1918-1920. The Green Cadres were bands of army deserters and radicalized peasants who hid in the forests and mountains of the monarchy during the last year of the war and then violently attempted to topple the social-political order in many localities as the state collapsed. The article suggests that they represented both the last major episode of peasant unrest in the region and a radical new attempt by the rural common people to influence the character of national and social politics in the interwar period. The nationalist dimension of this loose social movement appears to have been particularly strong in western Slovakia and may indicate some affiliation with the leaders of Slovak Catholic populism. On the other hand, the inability of nationalist elites to coopt the Green Cadres was in part responsible for their marginalization in narratives of Czechoslovak liberation as well as in contemporary historiography. On the basis of sources in Slovak, Czech, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, and German, this study argues that the Slovak case of the Green Cadres fits into a broader transnational phenomenon, which sheds new light on the history of East Central Europe in the twentieth century.

"Živanine cipele": patrijarhat, mizoginija, i nacionalizam u romanu Knjiga o Milutinu Danka Popovića

Author(s): Jasmina Radojicic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 19/2015

Through the lens of feminist critique and theory of literature, this paper will attempt to critically analyze the narrative strategies in the novel The Book about Milutin by Danko Popović which are directly related to the valorization of patriarchal values. By analyzing the way in which gender is presented from the perspective of the book’s two narrators, Milutin Ostojić and his wife Živana, this paper will try to show the relationship between the stereotypical depiction of the female identity in the novel and its importance in creating the desirable type of society. This analysis will then be linked with the remarkable success that the novel received after its publication and the fact that it is still perceived as one of the most important Serbian anti-war novels of the late 20th century. This work will have as its aim to highlight the importance of the revival and new examination of those strands in Serbian literary tradition that in practice actively and openly promoted the ideals of patriarchal society.

"Історія русів" як джерело культурологічних рецепцій 80-х років XVIII – першої половини XIX століття

Author(s): Larysa I. Gorenko / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2010

In this article reflection outstanding example of the political, historical-philosophy and culturality-philosophy thought into the Ukrainian on the boundary XVIII–XIX-th century "The History of Rusov", which become to the spring accordingly cultural reception's in the creative work of the outstanding public benefactor at the Ukrainian and west European cultural. Characteristic role to the Novgorod-Siverskіy intellectual society into be created this is note book and the new conception of the development Ukrainian. Underline, what author "The History of Rusov" projection at the national, state political system and cultural regenerate, where Ukrainiany and Ukrainian present as the world phenomenon. Also reflection the special role historycal and cultural legacy in to formation of the national consciousness and Ukrainian national model new "hereditary of the chielf".

(Nie)pamięć zbiorowa Polaków jako skuteczna regulacja emocji

Author(s): Michal Bilewicz / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 6/2016

Bilewicz applies notions borrowed from the psychology of emotions to understand collective (im)memory in Poland, with a particular focus on defensive reactions to new historical data on Poles’ negative behaviour. Based on James Gross’ concept of emotion regulation, Bilewicz elaborates a model of downregulating collective moral emotions (such as guilt and shame). He then applies this model to the debate on the Jedwabne pogrom. He also outlines systematic social psychological studies that support his proposed emotion downregulation model. The article concludes with a discussion of alternative ways of presenting negative history – ways that overcome those defensive emotion regulatory processes.

„Jesteśmy wielkim sztandarem narodowym”. Cyprian Norwid o „rozbiorze” Polski

Author(s): Lukasz Niewczas / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 4/2018

The paper comprises an attempt at a reconstruction of Cyprian Norwid’s views on the causes of the fall of Poland in the sense of the historical fact of the disappearance of the Polish state from the political map of Europe in the late 18th century, as well as in that of the crisis the Polish community experienced in the 19th century in the situation of oppression. The starting point of the considerations is Norwid’s opinion, expressed in a letter to Jozef Bohdan Zaleski of 1869, where the poet describes the main causes of the two aspects of the fall of Poland: the ‘non-enlightened’ patriotism characteristic of the Poles and their lack of civil courage. In the second part of the paper, I provide a closer description of the tradition of ‘secular patriotism’ Norwid criticized as well as an analysis of the phenomenon of the lack of civil courage of the Polish people to which Norwid pointed. I broaden my research focus referring to other views and opinions Norwid expressed in a discursive way in his letters and political commentaries rather than in his poetry. In relation to the main theme of the considerations, I also attempt a contextual reconstruction of Norwid’s views on the Polish nation and the Polish community.

100-летие российской революции: юбилейные вехи отечественной историографии

Author(s): P. V. Akulshin,I. N. Grebenkin / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 27/2019

This article presents an analytical review of most recent historical discourse on the Russian Revolution of 1917. Drawing on contemporary historical scholarship, it analyzes the main trends and elements of modern historiography, focusing on the most recent events that preceded the 100th anniversary of the Revolution. The authors note that the history of the Revolution is preserved in monographs and theses in a stable fashion. The traditional array of issues is scrutinized using original approaches. Among them are: studies in the nature and character of contradictions between the regime and society, national and regional features of civil confrontation, and the relationship of the state of state of culture in Russian society and the revolutionary process. One trend is that areas of historical research have been expanding. The most significant trends are the following: revealing common features in Russian state development before, during, and after the revolution; the war as a factor in the internal crisis and political processes of the revolutionary period; features of mass consciousness and social dispositions of contemporaries. Considering the revolutionary events, scholars provide a wide range of opinions, some of them controversial. Specialists in theories of history suggest that that, for the genesis and essence of the revolution, the modernization approach has proved to be particularly fruitful. The newest approach lies in anthropological approaches and studies of everyday life. The authors focus on some of the most significant studies of recent years, and include, a review of the latest encyclopedic and reference publications of primary sources.

1848 - 1849 IN HUNGARY

Author(s): Gábor Gángó / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2001

There can be no doubt that the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 and the subsequent war of independence belong to the events that significantly contributed to the development of modern Hungarian historical consciousness. Decisive alternatives emerged during this critical period: national sovereignty versus development under foreign power, or the cultivation of friendly compromises reached through negotiations versus violent confrontations. The patterns of thinking associated with these choices also imposed their influence on the interpretations of other recent historic turning points such as the events of 1956. For a better understanding of what happened to Hungary during the years 1848 - 1849 we need to divide the events into three distinct but interconnected spheres.

1923 Nüfus Mübadelesine Mizah Penceresinden Bakmak: Zümrüdüanka

Author(s): Nuray Firindioglu Yilmaz / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2017

The Greek- Turkish 1923 population exchange has played an important role in Turkish history both politically and socially. Since about 2 million Greeks and Turks were ousted from their homelands, this issue has quickly become problematic due to some main concerns and conflicts over its form and instruments, the definition and the scale of the refugees, and the legal status of their left property. These problems led the refugees to experience a number of tragic incidents from the start of the implementation of the exchange almost until it is completed. This study reviews the Greek- Turkish population exchange that has been engraved in collective memory in every respect by analyzing the texts and caricatures in the comic book, Zümrüdüanka, that reflect its idiosyncratic sense of humor.

1930’LU YILLARDA AZERBAYCAN BAĞIMSIZLIK MÜCADELESİNDE BİR KESİT: KAFKASYA KONFEDERASYON ŞURASI

Author(s): Ali Haydar Soysüren / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 41/2019

When following the Bolshevik movement in 1920 Azerbaijan lost its independence, which was achieved after the October Revolution of 1917, she restarted its struggle for independence. Leaders of Azerbaijani nationalism in pursuit of independence continued to work towards their targets in different countries through different ways and methods. In this struggle, Azerbaijani nationalists occasionally came together with representatives of other nations that share similar fate, and the struggle against Soviet government created a natural ground for moving different elements of various nations together. The Shura of the Caucasus Confederation is an experience of this context in the 1930s. The experience of the Shura of the Caucasus Confederation, against the common enemy on the axis of the Caucasian common identity, of the "National Liberation Movement of Azerbaijan" under the leadership of Mehmet Emin Rasulzade together with Northern Caucasus Turkish nationalists and the Georgian Mensheviks is a remarkable example in terms of understanding the process of Azerbaijan's independence struggle in the 1930s.

1988 年セルビアにおける大衆運動とナショナリズム ―― ヴォイヴォディナの諸集会についての一考察 ――

Author(s): Suzuki Kenta / Language(s): Japanese / Issue: 65/2018

The year of 1988 is often regarded as a period of mass political actions in the politics of Socialist Serbia and Yugoslavia. From summer to autumn of that year, a series of meetings and demonstrations erupted and spread from one place to another with mutual connections. These events first took place in Vojvodina, followed by Serbia including Kosovo and Montenegro. As a whole, they are frequently called the “anti- bureaucratic revolution,” and it is generally said that they created large popular support for the Serbian party leadership headed by Slobodan Milošević and led the escalation of nationalism in the political stages and discourse in Serbia in particular and in Yugoslavia in general. This article explores the relationship of such mass movements with nationalism, particularly focusing on the development of meetings in the Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina in Serbia from July to October 1988. It attempts to gauge the extent to which nationalism, or national/nationalist values and factors, shaped various aspects of these mass movements in Vojvodina, taking two steps for this purpose: the first is to grasp national(ist) factors in the overall structure of meetings, and the second is to analyze the ways in which nationalism was being articulated, understood, and discussed in the process of meetings, addressing their individual scenes and issues.

21. YÜZYIL ENERJİ SAVAŞLARINDA TÜRK CUMHURİYETLERİ’NİN YERİ ve ÖNEMİ

Author(s): Çagri Kürsat Yüce / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 17/2013

Energy consumption and the need to continue on a global scale, as in the past and in recent years. Oil and natural gas will continue to be the primary energy source until 2030 despite all the alternatives to meet this need. As a result of this situation, energy resources will continue to be one of the most important determinants of the twenty-first century. In addition, at least a half century, dominance of oil in the field of energy will continue to. Energy experts frequently reported that the “cheap oil” era has ended and price volatility in the oil market will continue to today.The Caucasus and Turkestan (Central Asia) regions including the Turkish Republics maintained its importance throughout history due to various reasons. Today, however, due to the rich energy resources, especially oil and natural gas, they took part in the world’s agenda. In this study, the important actors of the energy wars and reserve status of the energy resources of the Turkish Republics in the Caucasus and Turkestan regions were briefly described. In addition, as well as importance of energy resources for the region and the world’s nations, beginning in the late twentieth century and growing competition over energy resources of the Caspian Sea were discussed today.

21. YÜZYILIN İDEOLOJİK GÜÇ MÜCADELESİ: ULUSLARARASI SİSTEMİN DEĞİŞEN DOĞASINI ANLAMAK

Author(s): Kaan Yigenoglu / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2018

The basic ideological conflict of the 20th century was between capitalism and socialism. This conflict occurred between the supporters of the capitalist ideology and those opposing the capitalist ideology. In the 21st century, this ideological clash is witnessed to be evolved. The basic ideological conflict of the 21st century is between globalists and capitalists. The conflict between globalists and capitalists is developing between different factions of capitalist ideology, not between oppositionists of capitalist ideology and their opponents. These developments need to be evaluated in the context of this new ideological conflict. In this work, the development of the international system is evaluated within the framework of different ideologies, and then the analysis of change in the ideological power struggle is being conducted in the 21st century. Finally, the conflict of ideologies and the process of unification are explained.

677 Sayılı Kanun, Türbeleri “Millileştirme” ve Yıkıcı Sonuçları: Geç Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e Türbedarlık

Author(s): Gökçen Beyinli Dinç / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2017

One of the foundational laws of the Republic of Turkey on the exclusion of the Ottoman heritage and Islam is the Law 677 which was enacted in 1925. The Law outlawed the mystic orders and closed their lodges as well as hundreds of shrines in the country and prohibited visiting them. Shrine keepers were dismissed and replaced by shrine officers in some shrines. Relying substantially on Republican archives, Parliamentary Proceedings and the previously untapped archival evidence from the Istanbul Museum Directorate of Shrines (İstanbul Türbeler Müze Müdürlüğü), this article examines the transformation of this occupation and “nationalization” of shrines from 1925 to the 1970s by situating the analysis within its legal context. It will elaborate who was a shrine keeper in the late Ottoman Empire, what happened to the shrines and shrine keepers after the shrines were closed down, the theft incidents the new shrine officers were involved with, policies regarding the “nationalization” of shrines and the tensions as well as negotiations between different actors regarding the shrines. Aiming to shed light on a previously untackled aspect of republican history, the article demonstrates how the abandonment of shrines and the policy of nationalizing and turning them into museums brought along a rupture in the cultural history of the country and contributed to the destruction of historical heritage.