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Feminine and masculine in Bulgarian music folklore find expression in specifically feminine and masculine performance, feminine and masculine vocal training, feminine and masculine participation in the ritual and custom musical tradition, feminine and masculine repertoire. Series of historical, religious, moral and ethical changes in the Bulgarian folk society seem to be stimulating the development and changes in this musical opposition. The dialect parameters of the opposition masculine-feminine are also interpreted in the inquiry. Modern aspects of relations and mutual infiltration of the masculine repertoire and masculine performance style and the feminine practices and vice versa have been outlined.
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The study by R. Katsarova Horos and Dances from the Region of Gotse Delchev is a regional research of the folk dance riches of one district in South-Western Bulgaria. She shares her observations, analysis and summaries concerning the preserved old folk dances, studied during the period from 1946 to 1958. The study contains historical information about the population of the region — local people and immigrants from the former southern outlying districts of Bulgaria as well as of Bulgarian Christians and Bulgarian Muslims. The author extensively characterizes the horos and dances in style and performance, in structure, rhythm, tempo, form and expression. She presents the elder clothing and the typical vocal and instrumental accompaniment. The article traces also the state of horos and dances connected to some ancient customs, preserved up to this day, such as Lazaruvane, St. George's Day, Enjovden (Midsummer Day), weddings etc.
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The text presents some aspects of the "life" of Bulgarian ethno music in the Austrian capital — places and situations in which it "happens" and musicians who in one or another way take part in this musical life. The interest in ethno-jazz music in Bulgaria during the recent years is emphasized, but this interest presumes other interpretations, when this music has been "exported" beyond the borders of the country. There it sounds and is perceived in a slightly different way. Different are the emphases especially in signifying it as ethno-music played by musicians of different nationality. The Bulgarian ethno-jazz in Vienna has its brilliant musical manifestation. Being part of a Balkan 'wave", it magnificently incorporates in the polyphonic sound mosaic of the Austrian capital. But with its life as an outlined phenomenon with local color within the globalizing musical dimensions, this music is a "device" to construe the national identity of the Bulgarian musicians who play it.
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The article refers to interesting and not discussed problems — the lack of functional attachment of the Rhodopa songs as well as ornaments as a specific code in rituals. Referring to the first problem — there may be found a different cause for the dissociation of functionality in the song cycles from the Rhodopa Mountain in comparison to the same process observed in other folk regions. The reason for dropping out of the function is dissociation of the folk system, caused by change in the social existence of Bulgarians. This dropping out of the function has occurred much earlier in the Rhodopa Mountain in comparison to other regions because of the adoption of Islam among the population. This changed the social existence both of the Bulgarian Mohammedans and the Bulgarian Christians. The article refers also to another interesting phenomenon — marking of rituals with a specific musical code — ornaments. It becomes clear from the analysis that the ritual songs have specific structure, characterized with the limited immanent development of the music components, including ornaments. The reason to apply means of expression in such "ascetic" manner is due I think to the strong syncretism, which on the one hand unites the elements in a syncretic whole, but on the other hand hinders the specific development of each element — music, dance and word.
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The paper presents the composer T. Popov in the light of the personal meeting with him and the author's acquaintance with him. The creative work of T Popov in song adaptations is analyzed in different aspects — types of songs, which the composer remakes, his creative style in adaptation of the song material, melodic and harmonic devices etc. Special attention has been paid to the remakes by T. Popov of Bulgarian folk songs from different regions, where the ambition to keep the regional melodic and rhythmic specifics of the song is clearly outlined. A brief summery has been made to the creative work of T Popov in the field of solo song (mainly accompanied by a piano). The text emphasizes the significance of the creative work of a composer who should not be forgotten.
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The key-word based dictionary (A-K) introduces Estoanian wedding customs and participants. With the custom, the distribution area of the name and custom have been given with the accuracy of one parish.
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A particular ritual belonging to traditional funeral customs of Hargla, Karula, Kanepi, Urvaste, Põlva, Rõuge and Räpina parish in the South - Estonia is cutting a cross on a tree when seeing off the deceased from home or chapel to the graveyard. Cross-tree ( Kreutzbaum (Germ); ristipuu, ristikko (Fin.); krestnoe derevo (Russ.) etc.) is known as a biggest tree at the (cross)road or a tree in the cross-forest to the stem of which the mourners ( the closest male relatives, godson, etc. in particular) cut a cross on the way to the graveyard. The earliest information about cross-trees or their similars reach to the 17th century. The systematic descriptions of tradition of cross-trees stored up in Estonian Literature Museums are rather late and derive from 19-th century. Today necessity of cross-cutting is motivated as followes: 1) religious imaginations ( cross-cutting is a part of prevention magic) or 2) following of an old tradition, whereas religious imaginations are missing ( the cross is cut a to tree because it is always done so) 3) in rare messages there are said that a cross is cut to a tree in the place where people have died in accident. In these texts there has not been worded religious imaginations according to which the soul of the deceased transferres into the tree growing at the place of accident. We can find cross-forests, crosstrees of a village and individual (family) cross-trees. Tradition of cross-cutting is made up of the following: choosing of cross-tree; cross-cutting; offering of traditional glass of vodka and snacks.
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It should be economical to divide the beliefs connected with the starry sky into four groups: I. Cosmological beliefs touch the creation or genesis of the world, beliefs of the world order, the end of the world. The starry sky and the constellations are something similar to icons for the initiated - a symbol, a prescript and an example at the same time. II. Cosmogonic beliefs of the genesis of the orbs, the creation stories of the Sun, the Moon, the planets, the Milky Way, the stars and constellations. The starry sky is something like an alive history-book, sometimes also a catalogue of moral processes. III. Meteorological beliefs reflect the concepts of the influence of the orbs on the environment - the weather and nature and through them, economy. In that case, the starry sky is a calendar with weather forecast. IV. Astrological beliefs touch the possible direct influence of the orbs on the society and individuals. The starry sky is an oracle written in a secret code, to be read only by the initiated who have been taken (celebrated, chosen out, etc.) to teach and guide the rest. The current classification allows us to systematise and later also to compare the beliefs of a culture.
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According to the 1989 census, there are only a little more than 800 Izhorians. In contrast, 60 years ago there were more than 26 000 Izhorians. The deportations of 1937, the Second World War during which Izhorians, Votians, and also Ingrians were deported to Finland, and those who returned, further to the so-called expanses of the soviet fatherland. But despite all this, the ancient folklore traditions have not been broken and up to recent times, runo songs have still been recorded from amongst Izhorians and Votians. Feodor Safronov was born in 1886 in the Viistna village on the Soikkola peninsula in Ingria. He died in 1962 in Helsinki where he had been living under the name Teppo Repo. He is one of the best Izhorian musicians. The Izhorians played the buckhorn and willow-pipe. Instrumental imitation of lamentation was a part of the traditions of Izhorians, Russians, Lithuanians and even our Setus. Kävelukeppi was a long wooden willow-pipe, that had been wrapped into birch bark. It had no fingerholes and the height of sounds could be changed either by regulating the strength of blowing or by opening and closing the lowest finger-hole with a finger. This is similar to the long-pipe once known in Läänemaa. Kasetoht or birch-bark could be the musical instrument all north European nations have in common. In Ingria, also the bagpipe was known, but it was called rakkopill or bladder instrument because the windbag of the bagpipe was made of swine cyst. The zither is called kannõl by Votians and kannel by Izhorians. Even though the old Izhorian-Votian zithers looked exactly like the ones in Estonia or Karelia and Finland, they were held half-across the lap with the shorter side up, as the Russian stringinstrument-players used to do and still do. The zither was quite popular in some Izhorian and Votian villages at the beginning of the century. Despite the survival of the runo song, at the beginning go this century it were often already the Russian melodies that were danced and sung after. Even Estonian melodies were not unknown to the Izhorians. Estonian bagpipe-players participated in Votian weddings, also Estonian newer zithers and psalteries were played in the first half of the century. Although the concertina or garmon was the most common accompanying instrument, it was the zither that often accompanied village parties in the first half of the century. Karoobotska is a Russian fashionable dance on from the beginning of the century that was also popular here in Setumaa. One of the best liked dance in Ingria was quadrille that consisted of many rounds, up to seven. Inbetween rounds, their names were called. The new concert-gusli, that was actually a representative of the co-operation of three nations - Izhorians, Russians and Estonians - became widely used all over Russia.
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When the shaman felt the spirit's arrival, he began to sing on its melody. A song consisted from the fragments of different length (from couple to several hundreds of lines), each started with words tamany, tamany - a sign that the shaman, who between the fragments spoke `his own words' for commenting the songs, will again perform the speech of his helping spirit. Tuobtusi repeated each line of the song. Nobody could not speak with the spirits on his own initiative, but had to wait till the spirit will ask him a question. After that the shaman stopped singing and - if necessary - explained the question. If the person whom the question was addressed did not understand or his answer did not satisfy the shaman/the helping spirit, the shaman began a new song fragment, in which he tried to phrase it in other words. The long fragments (119 lines at the first and 231 lines at the second séances) are distinctively monologuous, containing the lines referring to the inner reasoning of the shaman/helping spirit: at the beginning I thought to say, after that I thought to say, then I thought to say, thereafter I thought to say, on that day I thought to say, shortly I thought to say. The short fragments are dialogical, containing a guesswork about some matter related with an addressee and a prediction - what will happen, if the shaman is right. On the base of published materials I can assure that these sorts of guessing or divination were common to all Nganasan shaman séances. At the beginning of a rite the so-called quest for the right path had to convince a shaman and an audience that the shaman, together with his helping spirits, is moving towards the purpose of the séance by the right way, all of them powerful for acting. Nobody must lie to a shaman nor must one assure the wrong guesswork of a shaman. According to the belief, giving the false information amounts to misleading a shaman. The latter could be fatal to a shaman and his community. At the end of successful rite a shaman had been accustomed to foretell the future by request of a participant. The divination, which did not differ formally from seeking the right path, may have accompanied with casting lots by means of a drumstick. In addition to the function of foretelling, the short/dialogical fragments are kind of magic - each of them is an attempt to act on the life of an addressee. From the viewpoint of a shaman the principle of such magic will be following: if my words happen to be right then you are going strong. The long fragments are more poetic, and therefore less understandable than short ones. The shaman does not address them directly to anybody, though he may say the names of participants or relatives. At the first séance the words at the beginning I thought to say are followed by the characterisation of the situation.
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Folk beliefs and religious conceptions of birds are based on several things: the appearance of the bird (black, white), its song (reminding of crying), lifestyle (active in the night), eating habits (carnivore), etc. There is a lot common in the belief of birds begin connected with the land of the dead. In spring, at the time of the migrant birds' arrival, one had to eat early in the morning before going out to strengthen himself against the "power" flowing from the birds. At a bird's nest, in contrast, the transition of bad power or influence or energy from humans to birds had to be avoided. Bird types have been given in the alphabetical order: the jackdaw Corvus monedula, the hooded crow Corvus corone, the quartz Pica pica, the bittern Bottarius stellaris, the raven Corvus corax, the ringdove Columba palumbus, a small grey omen-bird called the death-bird or the bird of ruin.
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In psychological observations of jokes, it is not so much the text of the joke than the function and place it has in the person reading, telling, or listening to the joke that interest is taken in. The influence of the joke on him and what touches that individual is dealt with. In the psychoanalytical approach, jokes are viewed as an expression of the subconscious. This approach explains jokes from the viewpoint of the human soul. In his work Der Witz und seine Beziehung zum Unbewußten (Jokes and their Relation to the Unconscious), Sigmund Freud pays attention mostly to the context of the material, coming to the conclusion that every narrative influences the human soul differently. In the latter, the difference of all humans lies in. Freud differentiates the technique and tendency of jokes. The joke can be obscene, aggressive (hostile), cynic (critical or blasphemous) or sceptical by its tendency (function) and emphasis. When talking about the three-link chain of interpreting jokes, the communicativity of jokes is emphasized. Freud writes about the impossibility of laughing at a joke created by one as what becomes evident there touches the creator much too deeply. At the same time the joke can not be kept only to one's own knowledge, because the urge to tell it is too big. A joke can exist only in a communicative process. One of the most significant representatives of the discipline, Gershon Legman, studies the favourite anecdotes of narrators in his book Rationale Of The Dirty Joke: An Analysis Of Sexual Humor. During an experiment, people are asked to tell their favourite anecdote or the joke they remember first. Then the jokes are analysed as this should throw light upon some of the hidden corners of the human psyche. Psychoanalysis could develop only in modern society. It has been called a phenomenon of the contemporary chaos and also an attempt to turn everything upside down. But can an anecdote, already by its nature based on denial, be explained by another upside-down-turner? If, through jokes, it is possible to draw conclusions on their creator and the psyche of their users, then can we make hypotheses about which anecdotes that person probably likes, basing only on their psyche? But the main task is still finding answers to the questions, what we are laughing at and why we laugh at the particular. When trying to characterise the surrealistic jokes of today, we should also think of Sigmund Freud and his work Der Witz und seine Beziehung zum Unbewussten.
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(Paragraphs from the fieldwork-diary, extracts from the collected material) The EFA summer expedition of 1996 to the parishes of Martna and Kirbla was regarded with some prejudice and fears (the religious exorbitance in Läänemaa, the introversion of the local people, etc.), but all the more decisively. Soon it was clear that the locals were everything but introverted and religious movements were something I soon started to long for. Quite soon I also got the impression that although there had been several musicians and good singers in that region (now we only managed to collect the basic data and memories of them) and very many still had song notebooks, there was no superstition or any narratives of the kind. For example: My father didn't believe. He did always the opposite. There in a village, it was that: "No, today morning it is no use going out, the horse dung between the shafts." my father still went, just out of stubbornness. But then there were still some who knew both legends of place names (this time very many about Kalevipoeg and Kuradikivi - 'Devilstone') and narratives with a rich religious background. (It is common knowledge that when looking for the oldest and natural born locals, the collector may not notice some really interesting people - just as almost by accident I found a woman born in 1947 whose grandfather had been a musician, mother a singer, who herself told of a treasure-bearer seen by her grandmother, of omens connected with herself, the birth of her son and the death of her mother and of many other things.) It is interesting that quite some of the people who themselves had no other supernatural experiences had still just before the war either seen themselves some heavenly signs or had heard of them from someone close. In most cases the sky had been purple red in the east, but there were more concrete omens as well. The rich bee-traditions of Läänemaa which have been recorded in the EFA cardfiles in the `30s, have by now lost most of its religious background. From the earlier local witches, mostly those who dealt with healing plants or fixed sprained bones were mentioned. The of attitudes towards the sensitives and healers of today in Läänemaa varied from severe criticism to deep respect. This year, perhaps more material than usual was collected that could serve as a basis for the so-called background studies, that is, what people themselves talk of their life, conditions and how they feel about the way the world is, what they consider to be important, not only folkloristic material and remnants or signs of the primeval beginning of the things.
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A political anecdote is first all, a popular and not a scientific concept. It is a forbidden story told only to those you trusted, who thought like the speaker did. This phenomenon characterises primarily a society of repression where people have no opportunities to express their dissatisfaction in a legal way. Political subject is just as often found in conundrums as in anecdotes. For some subjects, it even seems that the conundrum expresses attitudes and opinions more colourfully and precisely than the anecdote. An old-fashioned anecdote, the longer style of delivery of which has been forgotten over time, may sometimes take on the form of a conundrum. The so-called introduction falls away and the colourful punch line of the anecdote is used in the new conundrum. Political background may occur in anecdotes about persons, ethinics or animals. Political anecdotes and conundrums can be divided into three groups: 1. Anecdotes and conundrums about statesmen. Typical subjects are a visit, competition or outdoing each other; 2. Anecdotes which poke fun at the socialist or communist system, but in which specific statesmen are not mentioned; 3. Anecdotes about life conditions, in which situations created by the crumbling system are described. Most of the information used in this article originates from the collections of the Estonian Folklore Archive, especially from the collection of materials handed in during the children's competition of school traditions in 1992. In the first part of the series of articles, an overview of political anecdotes at the time of the Estonian Republic (1920-1939).
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The basis of wider distribution of choral singing among the country people was established at school and in the church. At the beginning of the 1930s, the development of polyphonic choral singing started. The example of choral singing as a form of social activity was taken over from the Baltic Germans among whom a movement of choral societies cultivating polyphonic men- or mixed choruses was widespead on direct influence of German culture. In Germany it was one expression of the national need of Germans to become one nation. In Estonia, in Põlva already in 1855 and 1857 several choruses performed together on what was called a "song-holiday", but the first song-holiday of a county that had a wider response was organised by the local priest Martin Köber in 1863 in Anseküla, where 500 singers participated. In North-Estonia, the first song festival was held two years later in Jõhvi, and in June 1869 the first Estonian nationwide song festival was held in Tartu after two years of pursuing a permission from the authorities. It has been even claimed that Estonians sung themselves into a nation. Since then, song festivals have regularly been taking place. The song festival is a folk festival, being at the same time both a ritual and a spectacle. The song festival creates a situation where cultural identity and national unity can be demonstrated. The mechanism of this festival is social mobilisation, people come to the festival with their families and friends, more important than the choral experience is communicating with those from close and afar, the need to experience reblendation into the society in a wider sense, the sense of unity with the nation, its history and cultural heritage. Artistic organised performances taking place during the festival that are aimed at the audience demonstrate cultural devotions of the particular community, carrying at the same time three main purposes: the social function to organise the community; the psychological function to express personal and collective emotions; and thirdly, the function to expose, strengthen and create the particular culture (Turner-McArthur 1990, 86).
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In Croatian catholic heritage Christmas Eve is the climax of the food preparation for Christmas. Traditionally, on Christmas Eve people fast, and once there was a custom called žežinjanje, when people would not eat or drink anything whole day. Cult of the dead is especially reflected during the Christmas Eve dinner. Paper is based on relevant literature and especially on the research fieldwork in the Republic of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Montenegro. In fasting Christmas Eve dinner cult of the dead dishes from the pre-Christian times are eaten. Cult of the dead is stated within Belarus, Ukrainian and Romanian context. Some of the Christmas Eve customs have an apotropaic character. For example, garlic was put in the food with a belief that it was a protection from the demonic forces. Croatian catholic food preparation customs on the Christmas Eve are stated in Bosniak Muslim and Serbian orthodox context.
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The Siberian Estonians are the descendents of the deportees from the 18th-19th century and the voluntary emigrants from the last decade of the 19th century and the early 20th century. According to the 1989 census there were 17,000 Estonians living in Siberia. During 1991-2000 the author collected the death and funeral traditions of the Siberian Estonians in rural regions, about 30 Siberian villages from the Omsk Oblast to Krasnoyarsk District. Compared to other family traditions the funeral customs are considerably more conservative and stable. The Estonians in Siberia wish to be buried with the Word of God, according to the Lutheran tradition, though the social situation has not been favourable (during the 1920s-1930s Lutheran ministers were evicted from the villages, during 1936-1938 most of the religious literature was destroyed). The funeral ceremonies were conducted by amateurs, mostly older women. Even today the Estonians in Siberia attempt to observe the traditional death and funeral customs - e.g. the deceased is washed and dressed at home and sent to his or her last journey, there is no alternative to corpse burial in the Siberian villages, the traditionally lavish funeral feasts are held at home, death wake is still held and singing is still a part of the funeral tradition. Due to mixed marriages the Estonians in larger multi-ethnic villages are more prone to foreign traditions. The Estonians in Siberia have borrowed several memorial days from the Russian tradition (e.g. celebrating the passing of the 9th and 40th day from the departure, visit the graves of relatives on Christmas, Victory Day on May 9, and on Easter and Whitsunday). Siberian Estonians also bring food to the graves and the graves of the Estonians resemble more those of the local Russians. The funeral tradition of the Estonians in Siberia is considerably more archaic than that in Estonia, and the tradition of the Estonians from different regions has become more uniform. Changes in the tradition have occurred mostly in multi-ethnic villages and the Siberian Estonians still prefer Lutheran funeral ceremonies.
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The purpose of this article is to give an overview of the more widespread death omens in earlier community and to look for an answer to the question how - in the light of social changes - the changes in the mental world of people have influenced the attitude to death omens. Answering the question whether and why death omens have receded these days, the changing of death culture can be displayed. The source materials for the article were belief records from the Estonian Folklore Archives and the fieldwork material collected by the author. In the treatment of death omens I proceed from the thematic division based on predicting situations. Speaking of Estonian death omens, a general belief can be noticed that death comes when the time is due. This has also caused the function of Estonian death omens: people tried to anticipate what was awaiting the person and only when the person was dead, they tried to prevent the next death by avoiding contacts or reconciliation with the deceased. People tried to be prepared for death both for ethical and economic reasons. They thought that any death event is preceded by a premonition of any kind. By means of observation they tried to find signs, which would give evidence of the destiny of the sick person. An answer to that was looked for in life experiences and religion. There are a number of popular beliefs related to death omens. Primarily, the person attempted to find a solution in his daily life to the problem how long he was destined to live. Seasons of the year, weather, behaviour of domestic animals and fowl, extraordinary phenomena, etc. were associated with death omens. While some of the passive death omens are still topical today, active death omens have retreated. Omens have updated - supported by literature and the mass media. Nowadays death omens are not reflexive, they are believed to predict death to someone else, usually to relatives. Therefore, the development trend of death omens is directed away from oneself. In the current rationalistic world the sphere of beliefs is more hidden - believing is not considered appropriate.
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