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Von einem nicht genauer bekannten Fundort in Ungarn kam eine Reliefbleitafel ins Ungarische Nationalmuseum, die zur Variantengruppe eines bekannten Typs gehört (Abb. 1) und von der fünf genaue Parallelen aus Pannonia Inferior und Moesia Superior (Abb. 2–6) bekannt sind. Die Tafel gehört zum Kultmaterial der „Danubischen Reitergötter” oder Dominus und Domina.
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This paper considered a case study of animal bone finds from the prehistoric (Neolithic, Eneolithic, Middle and Late Bronze Age) settlements of Dunakeszi-Székes-dűlő. More than 7000 animal bone specimens were come to light from these excavations. The most important animals of the settlement were the cattle (Bos taurus L.), the small ruminants (Ovis aries L. and Capra hircus L.), and the pig (Sus domesticus Erxl.). The man and his closely environment have special interactions and feedbacks with each other. The human culture, the natural environment, and the domestic animals live in a special ecosystem what is depending from these entities (Fig. 1). The most important economic animals were in special multidimensional cultural and niche-like places, what is similar than the niche in the ecology (Fig. 2). These places determined the social status and the exploitation of these animals.
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A prominent Orthodox polemist of the 17th - early 18th cc., Myxajlo Andrella’s style and language were not representative of the heterogeneous culture in Transcarpathian Rus’ only. The author maintains that Andrella’s script- and language-switching, chaotic as it may appear, is basically identical with that in the works of Berynda, Vysens’kyj, and other Ruthenian authors who as multilingual speakers were likely to spontaneously mix words or phrases. The author argues that, both in form and language, Andrella’s writings were rooted not so much in the Galician cultural and literary tradition as in the Ruthenian cultural model of the 17th c.
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Galicia in the second half of the 19th century was home to two main groups which differed in their attitudes toward the composition of the Ukrainian literary language: one group (the West Ukrainian Russophiles) favoured the use of a standard language heavily influenced by Russian and Church Slavic elements, the second one took attempts to create a modem Ukrainian (“Ruthenian”) language prevalently on the basis of the folk language. Volodymyr Navroc’kyj, who was one of the founders of the Galician Ukrainian national movement and took an active part in the development of the national idea among the “narodovci”, realised the obligation of participating in the process of national building as well as in the formation of Ukrainian terminologies, particularly terminologies of natural sciences. A detailed analysis of his morphology, his grammar, and his lexical base, particularly his contribution to the development of Ukrainian terminologies, reflects the will to create the Galician variant of the Modem Ukrainian standard language and shows how this variant of the Ukrainian language was heterogeneous and complex.
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1. Péter Király neunzigjáhrig by: István Nyomárkay 2. К 80-летию Зёльдхеи by: Иштван Хетеши 3. К 80-летию Михая Петера by: Жужа Хетени 4. К 80-летию Иштвана Пете by: Карой Бибок 5. Приложение - Дополнение к списку научных трудов Иштвана Пете (1957-2002 гг.) 6. Список научных трудов Иштвана Пете (2002-2008 гг.) – 2002 7. К 75-летию Лены Силард by: Анна Хан н Каталин Сёке 8. Деятельность докторской программы «Русская литература и культура между Западом и Востоком» в свете защищенных докторских диссертаций by: Жужа Калафатич 9. Вопросы языка и культуры на XII Международной научно-методи¬ческой конференции «Современный русский язык: функционирование и проблемы преподавания». Российский культурный центр в Будапеште, 30—31 марта 2007 г. by: И. А. Бойцов (РКЦ в Будапеште)
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On studying Russian national folk language, I noticed elements which have territorial characteristics due to the cultural and linguistic contacts of Russian people with their neighbours. N. S. Trubetzkoy (1927) determined and studied the Russian cultural zone, which has huge contacts with the Orient. Most of the Russian set expressions show this contact, e. g. белая кость ‘white bone’ with the meaning «aristocratic, blue-blooded». Plenty of Turkish languages have lots of similar expressions. In the Tatar language there is also an expression which consists of components: ak ‘white’ and soyak ‘bone’. It has the phonetic and structural equivalents that appear in the Bashkir, Kazakh and Kirghiz languages. According to studies the Kirghiz set expression: ak sook has given the most important information about the relation between the Turkish and Russian languages. The research has been helped by the work of Hungarian scientist Ármin Vámbéry, which comments on and clarifies the social, ethnographic background of this very complex problem. In the 19th century he wrote about the Kirghiz people, their customs and about the expression: ak szöng, as well. This phraseological collocation has many important historical and social relations with the lives of peoples in Central Asia and theVolga basin.
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These two letters and two inventories preserved in the rich heritage of Anton Hodinka in the manuscript depository of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences Library present an exciting picture of the everyday life of the 18th century. Nevertheless, I find these documents valuable not because of this fact but due to their vocabulary which reflects the Rusyn language adequately. These original sources are the splendid illustrations of the Rusyn language wordstock used in everyday life of that period. Therefore I have not spared myself to copy, study and publish the manuscripts in question because I should like to contribute to enriching the Rusyn language history. As a matter of fact the Rusyn language of the 18th century reflects the synthesis of three elements: the Church Slavonic liturgy language, the Old Ukrainian language and the living folk language. The formation and unification of the literary language norm, which was not regulated by grammars and dictionaries, was greatly influenced by the bishop’s office documents due to the great authority and prestige of the church in the region. The three above-mentioned elements of the Rusyn literary language of the 18th century can be revealed in all language layers (phonetical, morphological, syntactical, lexical, semantical). I shall give several examples on the elements of the Rusyn folk language.
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The central effect of globalization is cultural convergence. The notion of “cultural creolization,” amplified from creole linguistics, offers a model wherewith to understand the cultural convergences of Europe and the rest of the postmodern world. Creolization, like diaspora, is a word with a history that is relevant to cultural analysis. Despite the claims of other terms like acculturation, transculturation, mixing, and hybridization, I advocate creolization to remind ethnologists of the decisive power differences that are always present when cultures converge. Creolization also denotes the creation of something discontinuous and new, which could not have been predicted from its origins. I sketch the relation of this concept to history, sociolinguistics, communication theory, anthropology, and religious studies, in the light of definitive linguistic research.
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The function of the roman ceramic censers has long since been a controversial one. Based on the information gained from the processing of the censers found in Zalalövő and on the ancient sources we can refute, that the censers were used as oil-lamps, libation vessels, fruit bowls or flower pots. There were turibula in each roman household (Liv. XXIX,14,13) and on the basis of the burned traces they were used for the regular offerings for the domestic gods. The name of the turibulum derives from the most often burned substance, the frankincense, which — beyond its ritual aspect — had several practical advantages. With the spread of Christianity, the censers started to disappear from the life of the Roman people because the early Christians considered substance-burning as a pagan act, and refused it.
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Higher education, including “universities”, began in Hungary at the beginning of the 14th century. That system was disrupted by the Ottoman invasion in the first half of the 16th century. The present university system was launched by founding of a Jesuit university in Nagyszombat (1635), which later became the royal, then the state university of Hungary, and today is the Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest. There from about 1784 we can register teaching activity, which we understand today as directed towards folklore, ethnography, and later even towards cultural anthropology. From 1872 the “second” Hungarian state university was opened in Kolozsvár, which fled from there at the end of the First World War (and operated in Szeged from 1921 on), came back for some years during the Second World War, and was divided after the war again. By 1910 other state universities were created in Hungary, which work today in Debrecen and Pécs. Ethnography and folklore are now regularly represented there, in Debrecen from 1949 on, in Pécs from 1989 on. (But, of course, with some anteceding activities.) In Szeged the first professorship in ethnography (practically in folklore) was established in 1929, and after many years of interruption today there is a university institution of ethnography, folklore and cultural anthropology. A university chair for visual anthropology exists at the Miskolc university from 1982 on. At the recent ecclesiastical universities in Hungary there is no regular teaching on those topics.
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The interest in traditional popular culture appeared in the eighteenth century in Szeged and was maintained mainly by the scholarly teachers of the Piarist grammar school, and the Franciscan monks. Accordingly, most of the contributors were priests. The most important representatives of pre-ethnographic, pre-folkloristic interest are András Dugonics (1740–1818), Benedek Csaplár (1821–1906), Lajos Kálmány (1852–1919), the Bunevac Ivan Antunovich (1815–1888), Sándor Pintér (1841–1915), and the Jewish Immanuel Löw (1854–1944). They conducted research on the fields of dialectology, history, folk poetry and religiosity. They discovered and presented the traditional life of Szeged and its surroundings.
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The tools used for woodcutting in Hungary in the Middle Ages were the hatchet and the axe. From the end of the Middle Ages the axe was used for felling and the hatchet for cutting and shaping. Under the influence of Western European forestry technology and planned forestry management, the saw began to appear in forestry work at the end of the 18th century and spread in the 19th century. In folk practice both the axe and the saw were used in the late 19th to early 20th century. The axe was used to fell smaller trees. When felling thicker trees a V-shaped cut was first made from the tree then two-men used a cross-cut saw from the other side of the tree to fell it. A hand-saw for one person was used to cut up smaller logs. It is an indication of the importance of the saw as a woodcutting tool that in the first half of the 20th century the term pár (pair) previously used for the groups of woodcutters was replaced by fûrész (saw). The last station of the process came in the mid- 20th century when the team of woodcutters working with a power saw came to be called a motor.
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The several decades of totalitarian aggressive atheism have drastically changed the folk religion. In new political conditions this legacy remains very important, because it develops some typical features of contemporary religion–politics interrelation. The Orthodox religion became more and more linked with the political discourse. What was forbidden for a long period of decades out of a sudden became first official and then even obligatory, like atheism before. Some facts taken from Russian mass media of the nineties illustrate how the legacy of the Soviet past and the new popular version of Orthodoxy correlate with the politics.
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As Head of State, Head of the Church of England and the living symbol of the national unity, the British monarch embodies the political and religious institutions of the United Kingdom. Consequently, the ceremonies and events involving the monarch and the royal family constitute a central part of the civil religion of the nation-state. One potential problematic of the official discourse on national identity made available through the civil religion is the principle of heredity, which by elevating the status of royal birth simultaneously lowers the status of the mass of the people. However, this positioning does not cause widespread offense, or provoke general hostility towards the institution of monarchy. On the contrary, as the public mourning for Diana Princess of Wales demonstrated, royalty has the power to mobilise the sentiments and actions of millions. Drawing upon fieldwork conducted over the past ten years, my concern in this paper is with unofficial public participation in royal ceremonials and events as folk version of the official civil religion. More particularly I am concerned with the ways in which these folk participants negotiate their socially inferior positioning by switching between the competing discourses of democratic egalitarianism and of heredity status, discourses which the concept of constitutional monarchy seeks to combine.
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The data bank of Estonian proverbs (Eesti vanasõnad, Tartu, 1980–1986) is the most up-to-date and typologically the most consistent publication of the proverb collection of one nation. In addition to similar publications of other nations, it suggests new approaches to the research of proverbs in respect to their content, poetics and comparative possibilities. In the latter half of the twentieth century the semiotic studies, focused on the analysis of the semantic, and other structural levels of the proverbs were far more intensive and at the same time they were ignored as a subject of folklore. The disregard of proverbs as a source for the investigation of the spiritual culture both of a separate nation and of the entire humanity should be treated as one of the most serious shortcomings of modern paremiology.
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The paper focuses on Slovene researchers’ interest in Slovene proverbs from the Slovene Protestantism (about 1550) to the present time. The first proverbs are found in the written form already with the founder of the Slovene written language Primož Trubar. It was the grammarian Adam Bohorić, who first systematically included the proverbs in the first Slovene grammar book in 1568. The first collection of Slovene proverbs was prepared by Janez Mihelić, but it was lost already at the end of the 18th century. In the second half of the 19th century a lot of cultural workers collected Slovene proverbs at the same time as the words for The Dictionary of Slovene Language. But only Fran Kocbek published proverbs in a separate book in 1887. In the first half of the 20th century the most productive collector was Josip Saselj, who in 1934 added his own material to Kocbek’s collection. In the second half of the 20th century three publications were published by Stanko Prek (1972), Marija Makarović (1973) and Etbin Bojc (1974), the latter being the most important. The Institute of Slovene Ethnology is preparing a new up-dated publication. Unfortunately Slovene researchers have not yet dealt with this subject matter thoroughly.
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Researchers and teachers dealing with folk games sooner or later face the question of classifying the games. Researchers need such a system for their comparative work and for publication of the material, while teachers need it for use in practice. Classification can be made on the basis of all elements of the game. A system can be created on the basis of the text of the games, their melody, spatial form or the age of the children playing them. Each of these has its justification: the musicologist and the singing teacher are interested mainly in melody, the folklorist and literature teacher in the text, and the physical education teacher in spatial form. It is also important for teachers to know what games to teach children of which age. However, none of the elements mentioned is able to serve as a basis for a system that contains all kinds of games.
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Estonians have been farmers through centuries. Due to this, hard farm work has been an essential part of their everyday lives since childhood and little time has been left for entertainment. In spite of that, Estonians have preserved a rich selection of traditional games often played even nowadays. The fact that games have continued to exist so long can be explained by their connection with traditional holidays in the folk calendar. Traditional holidays were the same from year to year and so were the traditional customs observed on certain days, e. g. straw was brought in at Christmas, fire was made on Midsummer Day, sliding downhill was connected with Shrove Tuesday, etc. Observing these traditions helped to preserve the games connected with them. At the beginning of this century when some of the old customs started to die out, many of the games were forgotten as well. However, there have been people in Estonia who popularised these games.
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The author collected linguistic materials among the Tuvinians living in China. The language of the Tuva in China is basically the same as that spoken in Russia and shows only small local differences. The texts are given in transcription with translation and commentaries. A list of suffixes and a glossary are added.
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