Ocolul domnesc al Bacăului (sec. XV-XVIII)
Articolul prezintă date referitoare la ocolul domnesc al Bacăului (sec. XV-XVIII).
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Articolul prezintă date referitoare la ocolul domnesc al Bacăului (sec. XV-XVIII).
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Articolul prezintă date referitoare la ocolul domnesc al Bacăului (sec. XV-XVIII) (partea a doua)
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One type of the pious foundations which subsisted from the fifteenth century until the collapse of the empire in the Ottoman Empire, which is described as a civilisation of foundation, is the money foundations. Among these money foundations, there are foundations established for the recitation of Qur’an. These foundations, like the others, had subsisted till the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, but discussions about them continued. One of the works which discusses the recitation of Qur'ān for a fee is the epistle named as “İnkāzü’l-hâlikîn” written by Birgivī Mehmed Efendī (d. 1573). He alleges in this epistle, which is well known among the modern researchers and about which there are some studies, that the recitation of Qur’an for a fee is not licit. This epistle is not only discussed today, but at the time it was written it had been discussed among the scholars. For example, Zeyrekzāda Emrullah al-Husaynī had written a refutation titled as “Risala fi cavazi akhzi’l-ucrati li-qıraati’l-Qur’an” against the epistle of Birgivi. Also, this is very rare work that discussed widely with the proofs that the recitation of Qur'ān is licit. In this article, the views of two authors will be treated comparatively only in terms of common points. The aim of this study is to discuss the juridical issue which has a social aspect from the view of two authors that have different approaches.
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In this paper the author described the famous Uskok and noble family Rubčić-Rupčić, which belongs to one of the oldest Croatian families. This family was mentioned in documents in the 14th century and is originally from Hum in Herzegovina, the village of Hardomilje, near Ljubuški where ancestors of this family can still be found. When Ottomans occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina in the second half of the 15th century, some members of this family moved to the area of Imotski (Lovreč), Klis and Poljice, for security reasons. They immediately joined the military service and became outstanding defenders of Klis during the strongest Ottoman siege. After the fall of Klis into the Ottoman hands in 1537 onwards, they run away to Senj where they joined Uskok troops as experienced soldiers and became members of the permanent military troops. They were an eminent and outstanding family in Senja and the most famous amongst them was judge Ivan Rubčić. He was the Rubčić whose coat of arms is preserved on the doorway of his family house in Senj. From Senj they moved to Lika, Gacka, Krbava and Podgorje (Jablanac) during the 18th century onwards. From these places, they moved to other places in Croatia.In addition of this paper the oldest family nobleman heraldic sign is published, which was also published in Korjenić-Neorić documents of heraldic signs in 1595 and in the Fojnica document of heraldic signs from the beginning of the 17th century. Also published here were the stone coat of arms of Ivan Rubčić, the famous Senj judge, which is found on the doorway of his house in Senj.
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In this article the author describes the history of the famous noble family Vučetić from Brinje and Senj through few centuries of history. This family was mentioned in historical documents in different forms: Vuchetich, Vuczetich, Wutschetisch and Vučetić. The family appeared in historical documents in the second half of the 15th century in medieval Bosnian state. The author introduces us with their origins; the oldest mentions of the family, movements and emigrations, as well as the places where they live today, their family heraldic signs and the most famous and most eminent members of this Brinje and Senj noble family. Many members of this family received nobility and coats of arms with names ‘de Brini’ and ‘de Cesney’ because of their merits, mostly as soldiers. In the 19th century many members of this family moved to Brinje from the town Cseney near Timisoara in Romania. Today we know about three heraldic signs of this family. The oldest is the coat of arms of Pribislav Vučetich from 1475, then the coat of arms of Radman Vuchetich from 1569 and then coat of arms from 1652 and lastly a coat of arms from 1753. Besides the coats of arms the author has some other documents: testament of Pribislav Vučetić, permission of the General Herberstein to Brinj captain Pavle Vučetić, genealogy of Vučetić family from 1823, biography of Nikola nobleman Vučetić, document about herald sign from 1753 and some photographs of the most eminent and most famous members of this noble family.
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The article examines medieval regional development in Friaul (Friuli – Venezia-Giulia/north-east Italy). It offers an overview of the basic rural and urban settlements between 8th and 16th centuries. As difficult as it can be to describe the complex historical events, little effort has been made to incorporate archaeological perspectives. Up until now most of the attention in Friaul has been drawn to the main fortification and its numerous towers. Given that the structural changes have rarely been thematised, our attention should now be steered toward these monuments and their huge research potential with the aim of including Friaul as part of the Holy Roman Empire in current studies of High Middle Age land development [Landesausbau]. This sketch of the local history [Landesgeschichte] asks questions of the hitherto roles of archaeology and historical science. The Friulanian historical time-line introduced in the article concurs broadly with historical-juridical traditions. However, only a small amount of the archaeological inventory has been investigated in support of this. This leaves open the possibility for further research to close up any gaps in the historical tradition and to check hypotheses, such as possible connexions with local place names. Place names are generally good descriptive indicators of settlement characteristics and of those involved in regional development. Each and every place name should always be carefully researched. That said, both the German place names, which appear in a small chronological window, and the now indubitably established Slavic place names (reputedly early signs Karantanian rule from the end of 11th century) illustrate mediaeval trading routes and carriageways. Current historical sources presume planned settlement development as commissioned by the given hierarchical power. The newer additions to the main fortification however, would appear to challenge these assumptions. No longer subject to the geo-political sensibilities of the previous 2 centuries, this article gives life to the image of a multi-ethnic colouring to historical regional land development.
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The gravestones were one of the most frequent Middle Ages artefacts, so that neither Senj was the exception in that respect. The gravestones were erected in parochial or monastic churches, while the noble Senians, the princes Krčki Frankopani. Uskoks and ordinary citizens were buried under such gravestones in the Franciscan churches (the older one outside the town walls, the newer one "intra muros"), in the Dominican church of St. Nicholas, in the Cathedral and elsewhere. Due to various disasters, specially German bombing in 1943. then because of various reconstructions and also because of the lack oi' understanding the importance of such gravestones, a great number of them was destroyed. The author here describes in details the gravestones from Senj and gravestones of Senians or other people important for Senj, which were buried outside Senj (period of Middle Ages from the 14th/I5th c. to mid 16th c). In the part of his essay which elaborate the gravestones from Senj the author deals with the gravestones of the Senian patrician Sipurisa, the bishop Ivan de Caidinaiibus, Ižota d'Este - wife of Stjepan Frankopan. Dominik Betričić and the fragment of one gravestone, which is now preserved in the City's Museum. Likewise, in the part elaborating the gravestones of Senians or the people important for Senj and were buried outside Senj, the author deals with the following names: Martin Mojsijević, Luka Sartoč-Krajač, Petar Kružić, Erazmo Schairer and Ivan Lenković.
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There is no common working style followed in the preparation of the editorial critiques of the ĥāshiya. The overwhelming majority of the ĥāshiya works written on at least one text and commentary (sharḥ), were produced in the Ottoman science-culture basin and period. Ĥāshiya style of writing is an area neglected by the academic community until recently. A claimant is obliged to prove his claim by scientific, legal and moral principles. However, studies that prove or at least support the said judgment have not been completed. The final objective decision should be postponed to the research of manuscripts. Otherwise, the judgment will not go beyond the pre-judgment. The article is intended to give momentum to academic studies on the sharḥ-ĥāshiya writing style. Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a is a text in which Ṣadr al-Sharī‛ah [die. 747/1346], considered one of the pioneers of the contractor Māturīdī school, analyzes human verbs. Since its establishment, the Māturīdī school has remained sensitive to human freedom and human-centred moral principles. According to the claim, thanks to the four premises, the ontological status of the will has attained a structure that can exist or disappear in terms of expression. The understanding of free God and free man depends on the acceptance of the will in this structure. Otherwise, man and God will not be considered free. The representative of the Ashʿarī thought system Taftazānī [die. 792/1390], critically commented on the text. According to him, the conclusion of the four premises in terms of Ash‘arī doctrine consists of a door creak and a fly hum. There is also Ḥāccī Hasanzāda’s [die. 911/1505-1506] among the scholars who wrote on the order of Fatih Sultan Meḥmed, who wondered the basis of the thought and scientific tension.
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The politicization of a sufi order in Ardabil, over time laid the foundations of a new state in which the official sect was organized according to Shiite. Safavids emerged as an important power as a result of the enormous support of their followers in Anatolia. It is very important to understand what are the reasons behind the Safavids’ reign in Iran for over two centuries. Qizilbash disciples have been dominated in a great geography by dragging after political plans. The primary factor that connects these communities is the presence of their sheikh, which they consider sacred. People are connected more quickly to leaders who are not like them, who are in contact with supertnatural beings. Accordingly, it is an important factor for Safavids to act with informal connections in ensuring their legitimacy. One of the factors that reinforce their holiness is their invaluable help. In addition, drawing the image of a fair and brave ruler facilitated the control of Safavid rulers. Shahs used different punishment methods while trying to be fair rulers. These punishments were generally applied in a harsh and ruthles manner, trying to draw potrait that scares enemies. Safavid chronicles gave us important information about how Safavids’ legitimacy strengthened. Poems about rulers also contributed to the glorification of Safavid dynasty. The poems written about the kings provided important information about how the dominance formed was shaped.
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This article analyses the naming of snakes in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Latvian texts which are taken from the Corpus of Early Written Latvian Texts, containing the first Latvian dictionaries, religious texts, and some secular texts. The objective of the paper is to try to determine how precisely the translators of religious texts rendered names of snakes, and to ascertain whether any semantic changes have taken place, or whether religious texts show specific use. The study also aims to find out if taboo of dangerous animals, snakes in particular, and related euphemisation is reflected in early Latvian texts. The paper focuses on four Latvian words: čūska, odze, zalktis, and tārps; two of them, odze and zalktis, from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries until present time, have undergone significant semantic changes, probably because of euphemisation triggered by taboo. Comparison with the Lithuanian language allows to conclude that such usage, different from Modern Latvian, is neither specificity of old texts, nor incompetence of translators, but rather historical language facts. It is also established that in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries animals as well as plants were not so strictly separated in peoples’ minds, the borders between their names were more fluid, therefore any of snakes’ names could be attributed to any snake species in Latvia.
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The present paper proposes to investigate the perceptions of Kerala in the works of Uddaṇḍa Śāstrin, a remarkable scholar, who came in search of patronage to the court of Mānavikrama, the Zamorin of Calicut of the 15th century A.D, from Lāṭapura, a famous Brahmin centre in Toṇḍamaṇḍala, in Chengalpattu, in the present Tamil Nadu. Often stereotyped as a haughty outsider looking down upon his contemporaries with contempt, Uddaṇḍa was actually a sharp-witted scholar, who readily appreciated the scholarship of his adopted land, even while mincing no words when he encountered mediocrity. His message poem Kokilasandeśa and his play Mallikāmāruta, as well as many stray verses still current in Kerala, apart from being a veritable treasure of information as far as medieval Kerala is concerned, are of great cultural significance as they register the perceptions of a gifted scholar poet from the neighbouring land. Unfortunately, in popular imagination, he is projected as a haughty outsider outsmarting indigenous scholarship, but ultimately defeated by a native prodigy in the form of Kākkaśśeri Bhaṭṭatiri. This paper aims at retrieving Uddaṇḍa’s valuable and often unbiased insights of Kerala, which are often overlooked in popular perceptions of him. As a sensitive author who recorded his impressions on crossing the geographical boundaries of his native land to reach Kerala, his firsthand accounts of great cities, centres of learning, famous temples, food habits and festivals, such as Ōṇaṃ of Kerala, that can be found in his works are really worth probing.
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The review of: Szymon Gruda, Language and Culture Contact Phenomena in the Sixteenth-Century Vocabulario trilingüe in Spanish, Latin and Nahuatl, Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 20181, 218 s.
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The paper analyzes depictions of the Russians and the Grand Duchy of Moscow at the Imperial Diets from the beginning of the 15th century to the 1550s. Russians could be presented as schismatics or even infidels threatening (Western) Christendom, just like Ottoman Turks; or as fellow Christians with whom church union or at least a political alliance might be possible. Russian-related topics were usually presented by central branch of the Teutonic Order, the King of Poland or Livonian territories, who used negative depiction as a rhetorical tool to achieve certain political goals. Both the Order and Poland used the Russians in Teutonic-Polish conflict over Prussia, in which case they were described and compared with non-Christian enemies: the Tatars and the Turks. Additionally, the Order often claimed that in order to help Livonia, it should be exempted from taxes, or that possessions and lands should be reinstated to it. The Livonians used Russian threat rhetoric also to get exempted of some Imperial obligations, especially taxes, and with a clear success. Sometimes, the Livonians asked direct help against Moscow, but without success even during the war times. Partially, it might be connected with the competing narrative: since the 1490s, Moscow was then and again proposed as possible ally against Turks. Then, interest towards Moscow also rose in the Empire due to contacts between King Maximilian I with Ivan III and Vasiliy III. In the end, neither of these two narratives became dominant at the Imperial Diets before the Livonian War, and even during the war, when Anti-Russian propaganda was intensified, the positive narrative persisted; perhaps because it already had quite long roots.
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The so-called Bartmann jug is one of the typical forms of the German stoneware tableware produced in the pottery workshops situated near the River Rhine, especially in the Cologne region, in the post-medieval period. The characteristic decoration on the neck of these jugs is a large and expressive bearded man’s mask. Bartmann jugs – just like other items of German stoneware – were widely exported to the Baltic Sea region. Some dozens of Bartmann jugs’ fragments have been found in Latvia during archaeological excavations in the second half of the 20th century. Using Latvian finds, this paper briefly describes the transformation of the bearded mask and the development of other decorative applications on these jugs during the 16th century. Foreign parallels have allowed us to determine the approximate date and place of production of the Latvian finds. Current research suggests that fragments of Bartmann jugs were mostly excavated in Riga Old Town. They are stored in the Riga History and Navigation Museum (published in: Reinfelde 2012). There are also several archaeological finds from the cultural layers of some castles situated near the Gauja River. Smaller stoneware jug fragments decorated with four bearded masks were excavated in Turaida castle, which belonged to the Archbishop of Riga till the mid-16th century. They are stored in the Turaida Museum Reserve (published in: Ose 2019). A large collection of ceramics was found during excavations at Cēsis castle, the residence of the Master of the Livonian Order in the first half of the 16th century. It includes large fragments of four Bartmann jugs with applications of bearded men’s faces and several smaller sherds with friezes and medallions that decorated the body of these stoneware jugs. It is possible that Bartmann jugs have also been in Āraiši castle, situated not far from Cēsis, but only small sherds with probable décor of the body were found there, not the bearded masks. Remains of the Bartmann jugs have also been found in two castles near the lower reaches of the Daugava River – in the excavations of the Ikšķile and Salaspils castle ruins. The archaeological ceramic collections from Cēsis, Āraiši, Ikšķile and Salaspils are stored in the Latvian National History Museum and have yet to be published. Fragments of Bartmann jugs were not found in the archaeological ceramic collections of Bauska, Sēlpils, Alūksne and other castles. It is not clear whether these jugs may not have been used there or may not have been found due to the relatively smaller volume of excavation areas.
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The Hreljanović's are an old noble family from Senj, descending from Uskoks. The aristocratic charter and the royal grant of coat of arms were given to them by the king Ferdinand I in 1558 and confirmed with a new charter by the Archduke Ferdinand in 1611. In 1874 August Senoa wrote a poem about the well known Uskok, duke Vicko (Vinko), who lived in the 17th c. In the 19th c, from the marriage of Vuk (1815-1877), a lieutenant colonel, and Ivana born Poulet (1828-1919), Guido (1861-1935), manager in the Croatian theatre in Zagreb, then Ivo (1864-1908), opera singer and theatre manager in Zagreb and Vuk (1859-1944), librettist and composer, were some of their well-known descendants.
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The author presented here the transcript of the two lamentations from Rab, one from 1563 and the other from 1676. These lamentations have been transcribed into a present-day Croatian latin graphy, as the original graphy can be found in the preserved manuscript of either the Lamentation from 1563 or the other one from 1676, which were published in the work of father Karlo Kosor. Beside the transcription, there is also an interpretation of the history of places of finding these two lamentations, then there is a division into sections of the Lamentation from 1563 graphy, which has been published for the first time herewith. Likewise, the principle of transcript of these lamentations has also been interpreted. At the end, the author presents the graphic table of the Lamentation from 1563.
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The (woman) author of this article reconstructs the chronology of captains from Senj, which until now has never been dealt with in the literature. This article is also a contribution to the early history of the Austrian military administration in the Croatian Military Border, but at the same time is being also a contribution to the history of the intra-austrian nobility. Further efforts have been made in elucidating the question whether on the fortress of Nehaj arms are the figures of the two well-known captains, who were staying in Senj for some time then. On the basis of parallel analysis of the arms, which are not quite easy to be identified, the author confirms a hypothesis that said coats of arms appertain to Lenkovic and Auersperg. She draws such a conclusion on the basis of the heraldic characteristics and not based on the history of the construction of the fortress of Nehaj, as it was made in the consulted literature. At the end, the author concludes that literature quotations can't confirm the merits of Lenkovic in the construction of the fortress of Senj.
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The article presents the study of the territorial coats of arms of the XVI and the XVII centuries used to identify the lands in the Pre-Urals and Trans-Urals that gradually entered the sphere of influence of the Moscow state. The author focuses on the complex of six such coats of arms – for Yugra, Perm, Vyatka, Udoria, Obdoria and Kondia territories. The author aims to trace the history of these coats of arms and the evolution of their images, as well as identify the principles according to which these coats of arms were formed and changed. The complex of territorial coats of arms is closely connected with the history of the Tsar’s title. As early as in the middle of the XV century, the Moscow Principality established a protectorate over the lands of Vyatka and Perm, after which their names were added to the territorial title of the Russian sovereigns that was being formed. The reason for a new version of the territorial title (1484) was the successful march on Yugra, and new names of the lands of this region were included into the title after the campaign of 1499–1500. Thus by 1514, the complex of titular names that served as the object of this research was formed. The first heraldic seals of these lands are known from the second half of the XVI century and are depicted on the Great Seal of Ivan the Terrible dating back to the late 1570s. The images on them were connected with hunting, which was a traditional occupation for these territories where people mainly hunted for fur animals. In other words, the first heraldic images symbolized local natural and economic characteristics. However, during the reign of Mikhail Fyodorovich new symbols were gradually added to the old coats of arms, and in the 1670s some totally new coats of arms were created (some of them were influenced by western European heraldry). As a result, the semantics of the coats of arms of these lands became more complicated. Christian symbolism was strengthened, and such Christian symbols as the cross and the Gospel appeared on several coats of arms. This process also affected other titular coats of arms of the Moscow Tsardom. Initial heraldic visualization of regional characteristics was supplemented with national religious and ideological emblems.
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In the Middle Ages and the Early Modern era, there was a number of recognisable sites of remem-brance in Polotsk. Th e cult of princes and saints originated in the period of Old Rus’, while in times of the Great Duchy of Lithuania the sites were not only complemented with new analogues, but also with the municipal and land symbols, including the land’s name - White Rus’, and others. From the turn of the sixteenth century, the Polotsk memorial places were increasingly influenced by the West European culture.
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Die Lika und Corbavia waren in die Gewalt der Türken 1527 geraten und sind bis 1689 unterdriickt geblieben. Nach mangelhaften Daten aus dieser Zeit können wir Folge-rung ziehen, daß dieses Gebiet nicht ohne die Katholiker geblieben war, aber die Konti-nuität der kirchlichen Organisation ist doch unterbrochen worden. Zur Zeit der turkischen Regierung siedelten sich nicht nur die Tiirken sondern auch die Serben an. Nach der Be-freiung von den Tiirken plante der Wienerhof vor, dort ein selbstständiges Bistum zu stif-ten, weil im Mitellalter das Zenter des Bistums gerade in der Corbavia gewesen war. Später hat er diese Absicht abgegeben, und das befreite Gebiet an die Diözesen von Senj und Modruš angeschloßen. Der Bischof von Senj un Modruš Sebastijan Glavinić, als der nächste Bischof, hatte noch 1691 das befreite Gebiet in Verwaltung bekommen. Glavinić bemiihte sich die Missionäre dort zu senden. Unter dem heimischen Kler ragte Marko Mesić als Pastor hervor. Mit seiner Hilfe und Mitarbeit fing man an neue Pfarren zu stiften und neue Kirchen zu bauen. Sie wurden sehr oft auf den Griinden oder in der Nähe der mittelalterlichen kroatischen Kirchen gebaut. Die ersten Pfarren wurden in Perušić, Lički Novi, Budak und Pazarište gestiftet, und kurz danach in Bilaj (Ribnik), Lovinac, Podlapac, Udbina und Smiljan. Durch Verdienste von Marko Mesić um das Wohl dieses Gebietes wurde hier der Archidiakonat von der Lika und Corbavia formiert, und Mesić wurde zu seinem ersten Archidiakon. Als ein Missionsgebiet gehörten die Lika und Corbavia zur Kongregation „de Propaganda fide". Sie bemiihte sich tüchtige Missionäre dort zu senden und sie zu erhalten. Auf dem Feld der Sendbotschaft ragten die Kapuziner von Rijeka hervor: Marin und Isidor. Der erste stammte aus Senj und der zweite aus Brinje. Pater Marin hat besondere Verdienste um die Stiftung des Kapuzinerklosters in Karlobag, das fiir die Missionen der Lika und Corbavia gestiftet worden ist.
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