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Kao što je poznato, pismo Divkovićevih izdanja, tako i velikoga Nauka krstjanskoga (VNK), otisnutoga u Veneciji 1611. g, višestruko stoji na razmeđu: uzusa ustavne, minuskulne i brzopisne ćirilice, ali i između uzusa staroslavenske i zapadne (latiničke) grafi je i ortografi je, između oslanjanja na fonologiju onodobnih bosanskih govora i na naslijeđenu staroslavensku praksu itd. Isto tako, Divkovićev VNK stoji i na razmeđu povišenoga i pučkoga, između rukopisa i nove tehnologije, još uvijek između srednjega vijeka i novovjekovlja, doslovce na rubu zapadne i istočne Europe, u kontekstu između latinske i crk venoslavenske tradicije u koji se uglavljuje književnojezični izraz utemeljen na narodnome idiomu.
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Albert Szenci Molnár (1574-1634) is one of the most popular and frequently researched 17th century Reformed intellectuals for contemporary scholars of Hungarian studies. No doubt, this eminent position in early modern intellectual history has a lot to do with Szenci Molnár’s own techniques of self-fashioning especially present in his often autobiographically inspired forewords to his works or in his diary kept in a personal manuscript-book together with his hitherto unpublished Loci communes among others. One of the most important aspects of this self-fashioning could be regarded as a Johannes Piscator-type project of reducing the intellectual interest to ‘universal Bible studies’ consisting of the preparation of dictionaries, grammars, revised Bible editions, psalm-paraphrases and catechisms in the vernacular instead of dealing with philosophy in general including ‘philosophia naturalis’ as well.
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For depicting one form of magic knowledge in the sixteenth century, I will use a case study to show how health, illness and healing were understood in the past, how people perceived their own bodies, and how they communicated bad conditions to others. The starting point of my presentation is a trial record from 1572, which I found in the Romanian State Archives in Cluj (Kolozsvár/Klausenburg). A woman brought the case to the court and accused her son-in-law, a barber, of poisoning his wife, the woman’s daughter. Analysing the witnesses’ depositions, I show that understanding the cause, nature and meaning of illness illustrates not only the medical pluralism of the past, but implies complex social rituals involving family and community as well.
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In scholarly literature incantations are defined as set verbal units or phrases expressing superstitions that according to popular beliefs were thought to have a real effect. Incantations are probably the oldest folkloric expressions. Their origin dates far back to the Pre-Christian period. One of the earliest illustrations of their practice can be found in Persian sources. Incantations stemmed from primordial conscience according to which word and action were identical and through them one could make one’s wishes come true. Incantations are much older than prayers. They formed the basis of magical healing, love magic, driving away storms, fires and evil powers; they were part of wishes, carols and other ritual verbal expressions. Incantations differ from prayers in that that one is trying to reach the result directly, while prayer has only a mediating function, representing a link between man and God, an appeal with which a man turns to God awaiting fulfilment of his supplication. The older types of prayers used some elements of incantations. For example prayers against fever, for a good harvest and so on, in which the older pattern was only formally adjusted to the Christian ideas. For example, the person saying an incantation formula in its introductory and final part would stress that he is acting in the name of God, and there were various insertions, such as not with my, but with the help of God and so on.
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Magical practices in the books of miracles represent an interesting research topic that has not received much attention in Czech historiography. The topic is closely related to problems of miraculous sites and religious pilgrimages. Using mainly the methods of historical anthropology, the paper focuses on the manifestations of magical practices connected with Baroque miracles and associated with Marian pilgrimage places of the Society of Jesus in the Czech Lands.
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Pri vzostupe thurzovského rodu patria prvé desaťročia 16. storočia ku kľúčovému obdobiu. Z generácie príslušníkov rodu tohto obdobia pochádzajú hneď traja humanistickí biskupi: Ján Thurzo, vratislavský (Wrocław), Stanislav Thurzo, olomoucký a Žigmund Thurzo, veľkovaradínsky (Oradea) biskup. Toto obdobie rodu tvorí významné ohnivko v reťazci medzi meštiansko-podnikateľským životným štýlom, charakteristickým pre 15. storočie a veľkostatkársko-aristokratickým spôsobom života, ktorý začal súčasne s kariérou Alexeja Thurzu. Je zrejmé, že thurzovskí chlapci nedostali svoje prelátske stolce len vďaka svojim osobným kvalitám, ale predovšetkým hospodárskym úspechom svojich rodičov a ich politickému vplyvu, predsa však zostáva faktom, že vo svojich vysokých pozíciách obstáli veľmi dobre, najmä Stanislav, ktorý sa dožil vysokého veku a svoje biskupstvo riadil zvlášť dlhú dobu. Títo traja biskupi mohli byť ozdobou svojho rodu už len svojím životom, veď boli základnými piliermi nielen uhorsko-českej monarchie Jagelovcov, ale ako preláti olomouckej a vratislavskej cirkevnej provincie – z dôvodu spochybnenia verejnoprávneho statusu Českej Koruny – boli pokladaní za kniežatá aj v Nemecko-rímskej ríši a za pánov svojich provincií, aj keď nedostali priame hlasovacie práva na ríšskych snemoch. Je zrejmé, že ich činnosť stabilizovala pozície rodu a zvyšovala jeho prestíž, a samozrejme, nezištne urovnávala osobné kariéry ich bratov či synovcov.
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Dňa 1. februára 1526, necelý polrok pred bitkou pri Moháči, napísal Jakob Piso, sedmohradský humanista a vychovávateľ na budínskom dvore (zomrel 1527), list svojmu starému priateľovi z čias spoločných štúdií v Taliansku, Erazmovi Rotterdamskému. V srdečnom liste Piso opisuje rozhovor s vratislavským biskupom Jánom IV. Thurzom a jeho bratom Stanislavom, biskupom v Olomouci, ku ktorému došlo niekoľko rokov predtým, počas návštevy oboch bratov na Budínskom hrade: „Pred ôsmimi rokmi, keď som ešte býval v kráľovskom paláci, prišli ma raz obaja navštíviť, ako je zvykom medzi učencami. Na stole ležalo zopár tvojich kníh (už neviem, ktoré to boli). A kým v nich listovali a podrobnejšie si ich pozerali, odrazu sa obaja súčasne spýtali, aký názor mám na Erazma. Ich otázky boli ešte naliehavejšie, keď zistili, že som s tebou kedysi strávil veľa času. O tom som im nielen porozprával, ale ukázal som im aj list, ktorý si mi raz poslal zo Sieny do Ríma a ktorý uchovávam ako zlatý klenot. Ten obaja veľadôstojní biskupi nielenže láskali svojimi rukami, ale dokonca aj bozkami, a stále znova ho s najväčšou horlivosťou čítali. Potom už vôbec nebolo ťažké prehovoriť ich, aby sa s tebou pustili do výmeny korešpondencie, čo po nie príliš dlhom čase aj urobili – a to takým veľkorysým spôsobom, aký by som sa im nikdy neopovážil pripisovať, lebo na teba pamätali nielen listami ale aj najrozmanitejšími darmi.“
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V jednom z najvýznamnejších centier nemecky hovoriaceho obyvateľstva Uhorska, v hlavnom meste Spiša – Levoči, sa počas dlhých desaťročí 16. a 17. storočia podrobne zaznamenávali výdaje a príjmy mestského hospodárenia. Vedúci funkcionári hospodársky, politicky a kultúrne vplyvného slobodného kráľovského mesta, ktoré sa už v polovici 16. storočia pokladalo za luteránske, viac ako deväť desaťročí precízne a zodpovedne viedli aj záznamy v tzv. Testamentbuch-u. Išlo o záležitosť miestneho významu, v ktorom hrali hlavnú úlohu zbožné hľadiská a rôzne zmluvne zakotvené povinnosti, a samozrejme, aj dobre chápané verejné záujmy. Tento unikátny prameň poskytuje osobitý pohľad na každodennosť ranonovovekého mesta, o fungovaní sociálnych a charitatívnych štruktúr, pričom tieto informácie majú väčší dosah než odraz vtedajšieho „dneška“. Ide o zvláštny doklad humanistickej mecenatúry, ktorý vznikol ako posledná vôľa jednej z hospodársky a politicky vysokopostavených osobností Uhorského kráľovstva, a ktorý si mestský magistrát prispôsobil svojim potrebám.
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Pre rod Thurzovcov, ktorý je mimoriadne bohatý na výnimočných ľudí, je charakteristickou vlastnosťou ekonomický talent. Vďaka nemu sa rod vyšvihol a celkom netradičnou cestou – dočasným opustením šľachtického stavu a prechodom k meštianstvu a potom opäť návratom do šľachtického stavu, ale už do aristokracie – sa dostal na najvyššie posty a v niekoľkých generáciách sa podieľal na politickej a hospodárskej správe krajiny. Okrem toho desať členov rodu a jedna žena boli županmi v stoliciach Pest-Pilišskej, Nitrianskej, Trenčianskej, Oravskej, Šarišskej a Spišskej. Okrem výkonu vysokých štátnických funkcií však spravovali aj svoje súkromné majetky a panstvá, od prosperovania ktorých závisela aj ich vlastná prosperita. V príspevku sa zameriame na panstvá a hospodárenie predposledných a posledných príslušníkov thurzovského rodu, ktorí žili a spravovali svoje majetky v prvej tretine 17. storočia, najmä na palatínov Juraja a Stanislava Thurzu a ich dedičov.
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Obdobie 16. a 17. storočia vnieslo do uhorskej spoločnosti nové impulzy v politickej, duchovnej, ale aj kultúrnej rovine. Medzi ne patrila aj sociálna disciplinizácia, ktorá spolu s centralizáciou a inštitucionalizáciou spoločenských štruktúr viedla k formovaniu absolutistického štátu. Jej duchovnými nositeľmi boli elity krajín, vďaka ktorým môžeme hovoriť o tzv. vertikálnej sociálnej disciplinizácii, ale ako je nižšie uvedené, nešlo len o jednosmerné presadzovanie záujmov zhora nadol.
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Práce, ktoré sa venujú dejinám genealógie, sa ani len nezmieňujú o tom, že aj významný historik 18. storočia Matej Bel patril medzi genealógov, a to napriek tomu, že Bel mal od začiatku naplánované, že v Notitiách, v historicko-geografickej práci, predstavujúcej uhorské stolice, sa bude venovať aj dejinám šľachtických rodov. Tento svoj plán – aj keď medzerovito a zlomkovito – aj splnil. Výsledky jeho práce genealógovia 18. storočia akceptovali, neskôr sa však bádatelia na ne odvolávali už len zriedkavo. Zhromaždené údaje bratislavského vedca, resp. jeho rozhodné predstavy v tejto téme si bádatelia, zaoberajúci sa dejinami tohto vedného odboru v 20. storočí nevšimli, možno pre encyklopedický charakter Notícií, ktoré sú na prvý pohľad tematicky dosť neprehľadné, a tiež možno aj pre ich nedokončenosť. V tejto štúdii by sme chceli napraviť toto poľutovaniahodné zanedbanie. Najprv preskúmame, v akej forme sa chcel Bel zaoberať dejinami rodov, a aké uhorské, alebo zahraničné diela a vplyvy ho podnietili k takýmto výskumom; potom prehľadne z celých Notícií – nielen z tlačených častí, ale aj z tých, ktoré zostali v rukopise – predstavíme výsledky jeho výskumov, resp. ich ďalšie využitie a citovanie v 18. storočí. V druhej časti štúdie sa budeme venovať analýze histórie rodu Thurzo z Belovho pera – čo je v skutočnosti dielo v diele, veď v opise Oravskej stolice, kde sa nachádza, zaberá takmer polovicu textu. Zároveň budeme venovať pozornosť aj metódam práce Mateja Bela, mož- nostiam a hraniciam ním prevedeného výskumu.
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V predloženom príspevku sa zaoberáme kostrovými pozostatkami príslušníkov rodiny palatína Juraja Thurzu, ktoré sa našli v krypte Oravského hradu, neboli však uložené v jednotlivých truhlách, ale poprehadzované a pomiešané v drevených debnách. Nie je presne známe, ktorí príslušníci thurzovskej rodiny tam boli pôvodne pochovaní, ani koľko ich bolo, pramene uvádzajú, že ich mohlo byť až 28, čo môže byť na neveľké rozmery krypty dosť prehnané. Kostry nám ochotne poskytli na analýzu pracovníci Oravského múzea P. O. Hviezdoslava v stave, v akom boli od 70. rokov 20. storočia, keď ich predbežne hodnotil nemecký antropológ dr. Herbert Ullrich.
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Oravský hrad patril medzi dôležité opevnené sídla rodiny Thurzovcov v období 16. a 17. storočia. Napriek tomu, že sa nezdržiavali na ňom rovnako často, ako napr. v Bytči, alebo na hrade Lietava, patril k dôležitému centru rozsiahleho Oravského panstva. Dôsledkom jeho významu bola skutočnosť, že Thurzovci sa postarali o jednu z najvýznamnejších prestavieb Oravského hradu. Zároveň môžeme povedať, že ich iniciatívou nadobudol hrad pôdorys a takú objemovú skladbu objektov, aká sa zachovala do súčasnosti. Prakticky zavŕšili stavebný vývoj hradného areálu, pretože mladšie úpravy hradu súviseli s odstraňovaním následkov tragického požiaru v roku 1800. O význame thurzovských prestavieb svedčí skutočnosť, že renesančná „thurzovská“ podoba hradu, bola prijatá v 50. až 70. rokoch 20. storočia za základnú východiskovú metodickú ideu pri Generálnej obnove hradného areálu.
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The paper tries to estimate a women's share of criminality in Poiand and their position in the world of professional criminals. The author focuses on the big cities of the Polish kingdom: Krakow, Poznan, Lwow, Gdansk, Lublin and Warsaw. The paper is divided into several parts that deal with various specific types of crime. Rather unusual crime category for women was the one where crimes such as conspiracy, rebellion and treason were included. Violation of regulations was more frequent. Robbing corpses that were victims of epidemics were usual charges brought against women. Women were also members of vagrant and beggar groups, which participated in various street-disturbances and misdemeanours. In the category of religious misdemeanours, women were found guilty mainly of prohibited activities such as witchcraft and magic. It was in the end of the 17th and the first half of the 18th centuries that Poland was most affected with the prosecution of witches. There were 115 women under the investigation and 78 out of them were taken to court during 150 years in the abovementioned cities. Murders committed by women were rare. Research has shown that only 40 women were charged with murder in these five big Polish cities from the end of the 16th until the 18th century. The city of Gdansk is a special case, because women formed as many as 40 % of all the murderers. Murder was punished by capital punishment without exception. On the other hand, women predominated in cases of infanticide. Among offences against marriage, we can find prostitution, procuration, adultery and bigamy. Women, especially prostitutes, were often accused of several offences simultaneously. Prostitutes came from various social strata. About 20 % of them came to a city from the countryside, the others came from artisan urban families. Exceptionally, even noble women who were hard up tried to earn some extra money by prostituting. Prostitutes were predominantly single women. Ten percent of prostitutes operated in brothels that were run by executioners. Official brothels in charge of executioners could be found almost in all the above-mentioned cities. The employees of the brothel were usually some shady prostitutes who came under surveillance of a town executioner following their public punishment. It was on the peripheries of a city that illegal brothels run by procurers and procuresses were to be found. Town magistrates knew about them, but tolerated their activities. A brothel of such kind employed about 3-5 prostitutes, sometimes as many as 10. However, among places were prostitutes operated were also public houses, inns, public baths, flats of clients and rented rooms. Street prostitutes represented the lowest rank of the hierarchy and offered their services in bushes or directly in the street. Again, it was women who dominated in the procuration business. Over 70 % of the accused of adultery were married women, who abandoned their husbands and lived in an illicet relationship. Thefts formed majority of town courts agenda. Majority of female thieves were artisans' daughters. Apart from them, there were daily labourers, peasants from nearby villages and wives and daughters of city servants for whom stealing was a chance to improve their circumstances. The main object of interest for female thieves were buildings and rent house, but also streets and market areas. Street thieves were usually specialised, some were shoplifters stealing from small stalls, other were pickpockets and cutpurses. Thefts occurred also in winebars, inns, churches and brothels. Many women were involved in theft-boot, handling stolen goods and profiteering. The age, family status, long time contact with a city and contacts to the underworld were other important determinants of criminal activities of women. It was not only young single girls from the poor families, who commited crimes, but also married women with children, for whom these activities formed additional income.
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Hungarian aristocracy had universally adopted a critical attitude towards "foreign nations" in the 17th century. Nevertheless/ Hungarian aristocrats could not, but also did not want to prevent poli¬tical, business and even marital relations with the aristocracy from other countries of the Hab¬sburg monarchy altogether. It is necessary to know marriage strategy of Hungarian aristocracy to be able to understand the position of their foreign wives, in this respect, a note written by Friedrich von Teuffenbach is rather enlightening. He summed up his ideas about his future wife into ten points, out of which only the first one - that the girl should be pretty - was connected directly to the girl herself. The other nine were related to social and economic advantages expected to be gained by marrying her. On the one hand, beauty was not always a prerequisite of a marriage, but on the other hand, it was not enough that a girl came from a rich and prominent family. By proper behaviour and con¬duct, she was expected to represent her family in the new home in a respectable way and thus contribute to the authority of her husband. It was only after the ascent of the Habsburgs to the Hungarian throne that the Hungarian elite started to realise the importance, advantages and consequences of foreign marriages. The country got under the common rule with the Czech kingdom and neighbouring Austrian lands. Hungarian aristocrats had to share high offices with the Austrian and Czech nobility and they were further disadvantaged by the fact that the royal court and central offices were permanently outside the territory of Hungary. That was the reason why only few aristocratic houses from Hungary joined "royal court aristocracy”. Court aristocracy held the most prominent court and governmental positions and at the same time, multiple family ties interconnected their members, if one of the Hungarian families succeeded in penetrating into these circles, it could have positive effect on future carriers of their members. Nevertheless, apart from the Pálffys, only few noblemen succeeded in becoming established members of the court aristocracy. None of them improved his career by marrying foreign wife in any significant way. In the 17th century, the estates tried to preserve their national and traditional characteristics. However, towards the end of the 17th century it was becoming more and more obvious that the future of Hungary was the Habsburg monarchy and its common aristocracy. After the liberation from the Ottoman occupation, many foreign noble houses were donated esta¬tes in Hungary. By the late eighties of the 17th century, mixing of Hungarian nobility with court aristocracy and marrying foreign women had become commonplace. Foreign marriages of Transylvanian princes form a special category from several diverse rea¬sons. These marriages were first of all of crucial importance for the foreign policy and therefore brides came from the most prominent aristocratic houses. Foreign wives did not only bring the higher prestige and new useful connections, but also their own customs and numerous entourages. It would seem that the trickiest question would be a common language for communication, but in fact, it was not such a big problem. Actually, Hun¬garian aristocrats usually knew German or Italian languages and some of the foreign brides understood Latin. Only occasionally would a husband need an interpreter for talking to his wife. As for the dresses, there was not much difference in comparison with Hungarian women. What affected the lives of foreign wives most, were usually cultural differences and alien traditi¬ons. Many of them adjusted to the Hungarian lifestyle only with difficulties and tried to preserve their usual habits. They longed for the security of their old home especially in difficult situations such as labour or after the deaths of their husbands. Because their position as widows was not particularly desirable, many of them decided to return to their homeland. Fates of foreign wives throw some light on aims, options and boundaries of the Hungarian or central European aris¬tocracy in the early modern period.
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The author presents the history of the Reformation in the Kingdom of Poland in the years 1518–1566, with a particular emphasis on the role of Polish erasmen, understood both as friends and correspondents of Erasmus from Rotterdam, and – more broadly – as admirers of his works. The text presents the Reformation as a process in which the question about the foundations of faith entailed theological, social and political changes. They co-created the erstwhile reformation in Poland and shaped the processes of the entire society, being at the same time participants in these processes.
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The Adriatic Sea has been for centuries a crossroads where different from each communities to ethnic, cultural and religious orientation have found an opportunity to meet, creating a dense set of relationships and cultural connections.The study of the evolution of dietary practices and convivial habits is an interesting observatory to deepen the knowledge on the interactions between these communities over the time. In this perspective the role of ceramics, as material well directly related to the consumption of food, acquires great significance beyond the mere value of commercial traffic indicator.Specifically the function of maiolica, pottery mainly linked to the tables, lends itself to shed light on the dietary practices and convivial table habits, where the socio-cultural identities are subject to numerous forms of contamination. The study of the diffusion of Italian maiolica on the east Adriatic coast is therefore a way to enhance our understanding of cultural influences between East and West in the early centuries of the Modern Age.This paper analyzes the phenomenon of the spread of Italian maiolica and in particular of that produced in Castelli (Teramo, Abruzzo) in the Eastern Adriatic in the Early Modern Age (c. 1550—1700). The recent interest of scholars on the circulation of post-medieval ceramics in the Eastern Mediterranean has highlighted new archaeological contexts that also returned maiolica from Castelli. The analysis of the state of knowledge firstly allows us to outline the contours of the phenomenon and then draw future research developments.
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The comprehensive edition presents the legendary correspondence between Polyxena of Lobkowicz and her husband Zdenko Adalbert of Lobkowicz. The letters are written in Spanish, but the editor provides an abstract in Spanish, in German and in Czech for each of them. Each letter has been also translated into Czech. The edition includes an index of subjects in Spanish. The correspondence covers the years between 1618 and 1627. The letters document the events of the Bohemian rebellion from the point of view of the Catholic nobility. They discuss also intimate issues of the marital life and religious questions. Zdenko Adalbert of Lobkowicz was a deeply religious intellectual and Polyxena was a self-conscious aristocratic landlady.
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The monograph is a fruit of research by representatives of a variety of academic disciplines: historians, cultural and literary studies scholars, and linguists studying Central-Eastern Europe. The polydisciplinary and multinational group of authors – scholars from Poland, Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania – is united by their interest in the cultural identity of the region’s nations. The problem of the cultural history and the present of Central-Eastern Europe is presented in two perspectives: one looks at processes of shaping elements of the identity of Central-Eastern European nations, while the other offers highly-focused synchronic analyses of selected cultural phenomena.
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