Bătălii pentru apărarea Bucureștilor în secolul al XVI-lea
From the first half of the 16th century, the city of Bucharest became the fourth permanent voivodal residence of Wallachia.
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From the first half of the 16th century, the city of Bucharest became the fourth permanent voivodal residence of Wallachia.
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En partant des données fournis par les éléments décoratifs de la céramique ornementale des XV-e-XVII-e siècles (fig. 1-4) découverte dans les villes médiévales de Suceava et de Jassy, l'auteur se propose d'essayer une discussion sur quelques aspects de la vie urbaine médiévale de la Moldavie. Ainsi, les représentations variées sur les plaques décoratives et sur les carreaux des poêles, relevant des nouveaux et médits aspects concernant la vie quotidienne urbaine du XV-e-XVII-e siècle en Moldavie, a permis la constatation que dans l'époque respective, la culture matérielle et la vie spirituelle et 1a société féodale moldave, atteignait, sous l'influence de la Renaissance et du baroque un haut niveau. En même temps, prenant en considération que les motifs ornementaux découvertes en Moldavie, sont d'une certaine affinité avec l'art décorative de la Valachie et de la Transylvanie du même époque, el en résulte, aussi, le caractère unitaire de la culture urbaine médiévale, dans toutes les trois pays roumains, au Moyen Age.
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Le chancelier Gavril Trotușan apparait pour la première fois dans des documents à la fin du règne d'Etienne le Grand, pendant qu'il occupe le rang d'officier supérieur et quand est-il envoyé en mission à Brașov. Il était le fils d'Anginca le douanier et de Maria, la petite-fille de Mihail Misici, féodal moldave de la région de Dorohoi. Sous le voïvode Bogdan le III-ième, Trotușan occupe la fonction de trésorier et après cela celle de chancelier dans la dernière partie du règne de celui-là. Comme chancelier Gavril Trotușan a travaillé aussi sous le voïvode Etienne le III-ième jusqu'à l'année 1523, quand, a la suite de sa participation dans la révolte de l'aristocratie contre d'Etienne le III-ième, il a été obligé de fuir a l'étranger et ses possessions lui ont été confisquées. Le voïvode Petru Rareș le gracie et lui rende les domaines, en le recevant dans le conseil voïvodal comme conseiller sans fonction. A l'année 1538 il était parmi les membres du conseil et il s'oppose à l'opinion du voïvode d'organiser la lutte pour la défense contre les turcs, qui avaient envahis le pays. Ce pourquoi Petru Rareș l'a enfermé dans la forteresse de Roman, mais il n'a pas eu le temps pour le juger. Gavril Trotușan est devenu aussi le chancelier du voïvode Etienne le IV-ième, mais il a organisé un complot contre celui-là, en le tuant. Après la mort de celui-là, il est resté comme chancelier, mais arrivant Petru Rareș sur le trône de la Moldavie, il a été pris et tué. Le chancelier Gavril Trotușan a été le beau-fils d'ataman Luca Arbore, ayant épousé la fille de celui-ci, Sofica, après ce qu'il avait épousé Ana, l'origine de quelle n'est pas connue, mai sa tombe se trouvant a l'intérieur de l'église de Părhăuți. Il a édifié l'église de Părhăuți, qui existe aussi aujourd'hui dans ce village près de Suceava, où a-t-il eu aussi ses édifices. Ce dignitaire moldave a-t-il eu capacité de travail et fidèle attachement pour son pays, mais dans la mise en pratique des ses principes s'est-il trompé, ce que lui a apporté jusqu'à la fin la mort par la coupe de sa tête par Petru Rareș à l'année 1541.
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Dans cet article on présente un trésor monétaire du XV-e-XVI-e siècle découvert à Budești, com. de Plopana, dép. de Bacău, en 5 juin 1976. Le trésor est formé par 1151 monnaies en argent émises pour la Hongrie, L'Empire Ottoman, la Russie, le Patriarcat d'Aquilée et la Moldavie. La plus ancienne monnaie du trésor est un dinar émis par Antonio II Pancieva (1402-1411) pour le Patriarcat d'Aquilée et la plus récente monnaie est émise en 1584 par Ivan IV Vasilievici, pour la Russie. Les monnaies hongroises du trésor sont émises par Matei Corvin (1458-1490) en nombre de 764 dinars, Vladislav II (1490-1516) - 308 dinars, Ludovic II (1516-1526) - 1 dinar et Ferdinand Ier (1526-1564) - 1 dinar. Le trésor contienne aussi 73 aspres émises par Baiazid II (1481-1512), Selim I (1512-1520), Soliman I (1520-1566) et Selim II (1566-1574). Un nombre de deux monnaies (dinars) ont été émises par Despot Vodă (1561- 1563) pour la Moldavie. Par la suite, les auteurs se réfèrent à la circulation monétaire de la Moldavie en XV-e-XVI-e siècle et à la valeur du trésor de Budești. Ainsi, on démontre qu'en XVI-e siècle circulaient sur la place de la Moldavie monnaies étrangères : slotys tartares (ducats vénitiennes en or), thalers comptant dans les Pays Bas, monnaies d'or et d'argent turcs, hongroises, polonaises, ruses etc. Par l'analyse effectuée sur les monnaies du trésor de Budești, résulte que la valeur totale s'élève à 612 aspres. L'étude de quelques documents démontre que cette somme équivalait à la fin du XVI-e siècle à l'un des bons matériaux suivants 2-3 bœufs, ou 4 vaches, ou 7 cochons, ou 24 moutons. L'étude du trésor de Budești apporte des dates importantes concernant la situation sociale-économique et la circulation monétaire de la Moldavie du XV-e-XVI-e siècle.
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Articolul prezintă un tezaur monetar de aur din secolele XVI-XVII descoperit în comuna Ștefan cel Mare (jud. Bacău).
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Using notary documents from the State Archive in Zadar and the Provincial Third Order Franciscans Archive, the author gives data about Third Order Franciscans who were public notaries. Presented in this article is the work of Brother Martin Knežić, Brother Bernadin Orlović, Brother Matej from Lošinj and Brother Simun Klimantović. Here are also mentioned other third order brothers and priests who were working as notaries especially in writing last wills and testimonies. During the middle ages there were many notaries in coastal communities who came from different regions, especially from the Apennine peninsula, but this article emphasizes the value of local people who worked as notaries confirmed by the Apostolic Set, by Palatin Counts by some other public and respected institutions.
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In 1577, Stefan Báthory King of Poland decided to create a college in Krakow modelled on the royal college in Paris. To this end, he invited eminent foreign scholars to lecture there. One of them was Paduan philosopher and logician Giacomo Zabarella (1533−1589). He rejected the king’s generous offer, but dedicated to him his own work Opera logica (1578). This fact has been variously described in European historiography due to an erroneous indication given by one biographer. the present article is an introduction to the edition of the dedication and presents its historical and historiographical context. It opens with a presentation of Giacomo Zabarella’s life and work and his exceptional position in the academic world of the era. Next, the historical context of Báthory’s invitation and its historiography are discussed. the third section contains socio-economic aspects of the invitation and Zabarella’s refusal as well as a cultural and literary context of his dedication. A comparison with similar literary works of the epoch allows to understand its panegyrical character and is supplemented with a presentation of Zabarella’s Italian epigram in praise of King Stephen along with its English translation.
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Refleksje na temat języka polskiego mają w Płocku długą tradycję. Sięga ona połowy XVI w. i jest związana z osobą Stanisława Murzynowskiego (1528–1553), pochodzącego z Murzynowa koło Płocka, autora pierwszego przekładu Nowego Testamentu na język polski [1551– 1553], a także dzieła Ortografi ja polska. Troska o język polski charakteryzowała też społeczników zrzeszonych w Towarzystwie Naukowym Płockim (TNP), założonym w 1820 r. przy Szkole Wojewódzkiej Płockiej. Utworzenie Towarzystwa było wynikiem oddziaływania idei rozwijania nauki i oświaty w ośrodkach prowincjonalnych, promowanej przez ministra Stanisława Kostkę Potockiego, przewodniczącego Komisji Wyznań i Oświecenia Publicznego w okresie Królestwa Polskiego. [...]
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The chronicle of Dragomirna Monastery starts in legendary times. The first monograph of the monastery written by Abbot Ipolit Vorobchievici is the first written source which credits oral anecdotes transmitted within the Dragomirna monastic community. Most of the “false traditions” refer to the first years of this worship place built in a “heavenly spot” and to the life of its founder. As there are no documents for a complete biography of Metropolitan Anastasie Crimca, people gave meaning to the events in the life of the scholarly founder through different legends which turned his life into hagiography. Each moment in the life of the future metropolitan, from childhood to ordainment, to monastic vows, to the founding of the monastery and to his demise were shrouded in the apparel of truth based on the mind frame of the medieval man. His most important foundation – the church of Dragomirna Monastery – did not escape fantasy, the date of its founding, the architect, the painting of the frescoes and their dating having been shrouded in legend. The legends of Dragomirna Monastery are weaved with real historical events in a living recount of the past. Generally, people accept truth with difficulty and consciously choosing instead the phantasms and twisting of the truth. Truth often seems too commonplace. A simple explanation through many anecdotes will be received easier than a realistic and evidence-supported explanation.
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The hospodar of Moldavia, Ieremia Movilă (1595−1606) tried from the beginning of his reign to approach the King of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Sigismund III. In a first stage, ignored by the latter, he appealed to the mediation of Chancellor Jan Zamoyski to get in touch with the King. This fact must be considered as the result of several factors: on the one hand the hospodar of Moldavia, as a Polish nobleman, was the subject of the monarch, secondly he was his vassal, and no less important, he sought in Sigismund III a counterbalance to Jan Zamoyski’s politics towards him and Moldavia. Equally, the relationship with the King was important for the hospodar from the perspective of the diplomatic and military protection that “the King and the Republic” exercised over him and the country.
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The article is focused on the review of newly-found copies of the letter of the Great Princess of Moscow Elena Stefanovna (Voloshanka) to her father, Stephen III (the Great) Prince of Moldavia. The convoy of the letter allows for the supposition that the letter was kept as an organic part of the documents from Elena Stefanovna’s personal archive and it also allows its dating.
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Copper containers used in medieval and premodern Moldavia are a category of artifacts rarely found in archaeological sites. The finds in this category were rarely recovered in their entirety, most often being found in fragmentary condition. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the problem of copper vessels in Moldavia in the 14th – 18th centuries, as well as to expand the possibilities of historical interpretation of various aspects of daily life, in relation to the development of the metalcrafts in this space and the connections with workshops, craftsmen and trade centers in the neighboring regions, within this timeframe. The first medieval copper vessel discovered within the territory of Moldavia is the one of Neamț Fortress, which is preserved today in the collections of the Museum of History and Ethnography in Târgu Neamț. The vessel has been subjected to non-invasive investigations, and the results of metallographic analysis are the core of a specialist database that we intend to develope in the near future.
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In the spring of 1568, Uluç Ali Pasha, a Christian convert to Islam born in the Spanish viceroyalty of Naples, became the new Ottoman governor of Algiers. Subsequently, Phillip II of Spain tried to establish a dialogue with him. To conquer the city without having to resort to a military expedition, the king of Spain sent Francesco Gasparo, a Corsican merchant, to Algiers. This article aims to shed light on the Spanish diplomatic practice used in the dialogue with the Ottoman Governors of Algiers during the sixteenth century. To do so, we have had to move away from the traditional focus on the study of agreements and opt for a more holistic approach of the diplomatic event. Diplomacy is no longer seen as a simple political relationship capable of establishing an agreement between two parties during a specific time, but as a permanent practice defined by a complex structure. Thus, the article focuses on the agents and practices used during the Spanish negotiation with Uluç Ali to assess the tenets underpinning this type of diplomatic interaction. Gasparo’s mission enables us to reflect on the structure of Spanish diplomacy in the Early Modern Mediterranean. The Corsican merchant’s experience in Algiers reveals the presence of a specific dialogic pattern between the Iberian and Maghreb coasts and how it was consolidated during the sixteenth century. This article endeavours thus to analyse the characteristic elements and principles of what seems to be a specific diplomatic model.
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In the field of study on relations between Italy and Flanders in the second half of the sixteenth century, the military leader Gian Luigi, better known as Chiappino, Vitelli (1520–75) deserves special attention. Trusted man of Cosimo I de’ Medici and maestro di campo generale of the Spanish armies in Flanders since 1567, he was among the protagonists of the first ten years of the Dutch Revolt. Based on the identification of new archival documents, this essay aims both to broaden the sphere of investigation and deepen the understanding of the role of Chiappino in cultural exchanges between Florence, the Habsburg’s and Elizabeth I’s courts. At the same time, it is aimed to draw attention to the political and cultural dynamics in which Chiappino Vitelli’s action towards the English Queen is embedded. From the documents, it clearly emerges how Vitelli took advantage of his role to earn the favour of the sovereign and, in addition to his loyalty, he did not hesitate to offer her the most varied of gifts, such as animals, weapons and artists, such as the painter Federico Zuccari, who reached Flanders in 1574. Zuccari’s sending to the English court should be interpreted as an attempt by the military leader to gain the favour of Elizabeth I when the support of the courts of Florence and Madrid seemed to be lacking, especially after the death of Cosimo de’ Medici and the replacement of the Duke of Alba as governor of Flanders.
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In the text, the astronomical references in Jan Kochanowski’ Psałterz Dawidowy are discussed. This text is one of the richest of these motifs poet’s works. The celestial themes focus on the structure of the universe, the most important celestial bodies: the Sun and the Moon (followed by stars) and their movement in the sky, the cosmic order and praise of the harmonious creation of the Creation and its Author. The text discusses selected motifs related to astronomical themes in the Psalter: sunrise and sunset, linked to the order of time, the image of the earth’s circle, the opposition God in the heights – earth below, a pair of the most important astronomical objects: the Sun and the Moon. Selected astronomical motifs in Kochanowski’s Psalter are compared to two sixteenth-century translations of the Book of Psalms, which can be considered the most important for the two main circles involved in disputes over holy texts: the Protestant Brest Bible and the Jakub Wujek’s Catholic Bible. The article is not to seek direct dependencies (in the case of Catholic translation, later than the Kochanowski collection, they are impossible), but to confront the poetic work with the concepts of reading and translating the Bible created in the confessional translations.
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The aim of this article is to discuss the ways in which Christ’s Biblical words “hoc est corpus meum” are used in Ochino’s translated text, which was published in Pińczów in 1560. First, the context of the preparation and Polish translation of the work (the recent death of Jan Łaski and the aims of the Lutheran community in Lesser Poland) are discussed. Next, the methods and conditions for the introduction of paraphrases in texts in the work, which attest both to the persuasive and educational as well as more general perspective of early modern semantic changes appearing in theological discussions in vernacular languages, are subject to analysis.
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The objective of the article is a comparison between Os Lusíadas/The Lusiads (1572) by Luís Vaz de Camões and ...Onde Vaz, Luís (1983) by Jaime Gralheiro, showing the processes of narrative incorporation of an epic pattern into the dramatic hypertext, made through a “mosaic of quotations”. The discussion attends to the generic transformation, a very productive one in terms of aesthetics and ideology, with visible traits of parody, disguise, pastiche, narrative transposition of more than one unique text but many of them by various Portuguese authors of the XVIth century (including Fernão Mendes Pinto, António Ferreira, Pedro de Andrade Caminha, Damião de Góis, Gil Vicente) ment for a jocular dramatic piece, both tragic and grotesque, conceived out of social criticism and according to a Brechtean ideological character. The article shows a sample of multiple relations between the primary hypotext and the texts derivated out of it, confirming the present paper’s aim in many works of Portuguese literature writers, of prose and theater writings. The heroic hypotext vs. the hypertexts are unfolded in dramatic and novelesque post-modern refabulations (José Saramago included!). Another study of the imaginary makes the realm of revisiting the Portuguese literature is possible in relation to contemporary history and human existence, with space- -and-time frontiers and literary genres extinguished in the “intertextual lottery” of Camões and his metamorfoses with regard to fictional authors and protagonists. A diagnosis of hic et nunc (just now!) is being produced in a methodologically consistent way according to the classics of intertextuality focused on dramatic and romanesque writings in Portugal in the decline of the former century. The Carnations’ Revolution in the background and the revolutionary democratic aftermath accompanying the undertaken analytic process.
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Stosunki dawnej Rzeczypospolitej z Persją Safawidów i katolikosatem w Eczmiadzynie w świetle dokumentów archiwalnych. The Relations of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth with Safavid Iran and the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin in the Light of Archival Documents. Red./Eds.: Jaśkowski, Stanisław – Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz – Mnatsakanyan, Piruz. Warszawa, Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych – Naczelna Dyrekcja Archiwów Państwowych, 2017. 398 p.
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When we talk about mystical experience, we often use such words like nothingness, emptiness, darkness and lack of knowledge. Different schools of spirituality understand these terms in different ways. This article is trying to analyze the meaning of these terms used by saint John of the Cross and Dionysius the Areopagite. For John of the Cross nothingness is produced by the acts of supernatural faith, hope and love. Dionysius, contrary to John of the Cross, stresses purification of our reason only, while John of the Cross embraces in the process of purification of the will other faculties, too. For John of the Cross the impression of darkness in the mystical experience at the end of the process of purification is getting milder and a person gains some knowledge of God. For Dionysius the darkness cannot be overcome. The final reason of the difference between these two masters of spirituality is different understanding of the degree of the transcendence of God.
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Based on the documents preserved in various archives, this study offers a presentation of Almașu market town (Cluj county) and its administrative role in the estate bearing the same name. Although it was not situated by the main roads, neither did it have the function of county seat, nor a significant commercial role, Almașu market town stood out as an administrative centre of a large estate and as a settlement located in the vicinity of a military defense fortification. According to the documents, in the second half of the 16th century the estate managed from Almașu market town and the fortification (castrum) and owned by 3-4 powerful Transylvanian families consisted of 70 villages and two market towns.
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