Bethlen Gábor hatalomra kerülése a török forrásokban és történetírásban. Tayyib Gökbilgin kutatásai és eredményei

Author(s): Sándor Papp / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2015

The paper aims to call attention to the lifework of Tayyip Gökbilgin, who, thanks to his Hungarology studies completed in Ankara, was mostly interested in Turkish-Hungarian history. Gökbilgin's works provide an overview of almost the entire period of Turkish- Hungarian relations. But the paper discusses in detail only one of his papers, published in 1950, which gives a brief account of the 16th-century history of the Transylvanian independent state, while focusing on Gábor Bethlen's rise to power. The work is a thorough critique of the opinion of Gyula Szekfű, the leading Hungarian historian of the interwar period. Gökbilgin wrote this paper after conducting thorough research in various archives, so his results reveal novelties to Hungarian historians. But the paper goes beyond presenting how the arguments of the Turkish historian counter the views of his Hungarian colleague: it also provides additional data on the history of Gábor Bethlen's rise to power, based on the author's own research. Using the text of a memorandum from the Grand Vizier, it specifies the point from when the Sublime Porte was effectively preparing for an armed solution. (The source is being prepared for publication by Mehmet Tosun and Feridun M. Emecen, I used it and published its text in Turkish and in Hungarian translation with their permission.) At the same time, on the basis of the first Ottoman charter it was possible to substantiate the fact that the Porte already considered Gábor Bethlen the de facto ruler of Transylvania at least one month before his election.

Un tezaur de monede de aur din sec. al XVII-lea descoperit la Cotnari

Author(s): Paraschiva Stancu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 2/1975

During the works carried out at the village of Cotnari, were found in 1966 a treasure of 72 gold coins issued in Venice, Netherlands, Silesia, Florence, Transylvania, Denmark and Hamburg.

Despre economia bănească românească în sec. XVII-XVIII

Author(s): Liviu Ștefănescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 2/1975

The author highlights the factors which led him to consider that this period is strongly influenced by the Romanian monetary economy, which contributes to the formation of the corresponding community and which, despite the restraint imposed by neighboring empires

Książęta Jerzy i Krzysztof Zbarascy wobec problemów południowo-wschodniego pogranicza Rzeczypospolitej w drugim i trzecim dziesięcioleciu XVII wieku

Author(s): Zbigniew Anusik / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2016

The princes Jerzy and Krzysztof Zbaraski were descendants of the old and very wealthy magnates family. Their education, wealth and mental qualities predestined them to play an important role in the political arena. Reluctance on the part of Sigismund III made, however, that the two brothers found themselves in the ranks of the opposition. As owners of large estates in the South-Eastern borderlands, the princes have to be interested in both the situation in Ukraine, as well as relations with neighboring countries in this region of the Polish Republic. In the middle of the second decade of the seventeenth century, they fell into conflict with the hetman Stanislaw Żółkiewski. They believed that the policy of hetman in borderlands leads to war with Turkey. Zbaraski brothers advocated the maintenance of peace with the Sultan. Their relation to the Ottoman Empire did not change until the end of their lives. Maintaining peaceful relations with Turkey they regarded as one of the priorities of the foreign policy of the Polish Republic. On the issue of relations with the Crimean Khanate the princes Zbaraski looked through the prism of Turkish politics. They regarded rulers of Crimea as performers of the policy of Istanbul and sultan tool to exert pressure on the Polish Republic. They were in favor of not to provoke Tartars. But both of them took an active part in the fight against Tartar s invasions. In the fight against the Tatars they were ready to use the help of the Cossacks. In the years 1624–1628 the Zbaraski brothers supported the idea of intervention in the internal affairs of the Crimean Khanate. They believed that fueling the civil war in the Crimea will be in every way beneficial to the interests of the Polish Republic. Very interesting was also the attitude of Zbaraski brothers to the Cossacks. Both princes believed Cossacks as the rebels, destroyers of internal order and adventurers provoking conflicts with Turkey. They do not accept the policy of tolerance towards Cossacks in the period before Cecora. After Khotyn war they urged Cossacks to stop their trips to the Black Sea. The both brothers quickly recognized the danger posed by an alliance of Orthodox bishops and the Cossacks. They found it as a serious threat to the interests of the Polish Republic in Ukraine. The princes Zbaraski referred to the Cossacks with a sense of superiority and contempt. Appreciated, however, their military force. The Zbaraski brothers advocated a policy of hard hand against the Cossacks. Prince Jerzy has repeatedly stated that the Cossacks do not need any committee, but a sword. However, the princes of Zbaraż feel awe in front of a large and valiant Cossacks army. They feared the destruction of their landed estates. After the conclusion of the Treaty of Kurukove they opted, however, for strict compliance with its terms. Relatively little attention devoted Zbaraski brothers to the situation in the Danubian principalities – Moldavia and Wallachia. But both brothers carefully watched the actions of the ruler of Transylvania – Bethlen Gabor. The paradox seems the fact that after the death of Krzysztof, when he was the most powerful magnate in the South-Eastern borderlands of the Republic, Jerzy Zbaraski was much less interested in the situation in that region. His attention was absorbed at that time by completely different problems. It is in this context to note that even earlier the issue of the problems of the South-Eastern borderlands of Polish Republic were not the main subject of the interest of the Zbaraski brothers. Both princes were politicians who tried to influence the whole, as well internal and foreign policy of the state. Because of that reason they followed and commented all the most important events that have taken place in the Central and Eastern Europe in the second and third decade of the seventeenth century. / Książęta Jerzy i Krzysztof Zbarascy byli potomkami starej i ogromnie bogatej rodziny magnackiej. Ich wykształcenie, majątek i walory umysłowe predestynowały ich do odgrywania ważnej roli na arenie politycznej. Niechęć ze strony Zygmunta III sprawiła jednak, że obaj bracia znaleźli się w szeregach opozycji. Jako właściciele wielkich majątków na kresach, książęta z natury rzeczy musieli być zainteresowani zarówno sytuacją na Ukrainie, jak i stosunkami z państwami graniczącymi w tym regionie z Rzecząpospolitą. W połowie drugiego dziesięciolecia XVII w. popadli w konflikt z hetmanem Stanisławem Żółkiewskim. Uważali bowiem, że polityka hetmana na kresach prowadzi do wojny z Turcją. Zbarascy opowiadali się natomiast za utrzymaniem pokoju z sułtanem. Swojego stosunku do państwa Imperium Osmańskiego nie zmienili do końca życia. Utrzymanie pokojowych stosunków z Turcją uważali za jeden z priorytetów polityki zagranicznej Rzeczypospolitej. Na kwestię stosunków z Chanatem Krymskim książęta Zbarascy patrzyli przez pryzmat polityki tureckiej. Władców Krymu uważali za wykonawców polityki Stambułu i narzędzie służące sułtanom do wywierania nacisku na Rzeczpospolitą. Opowiadali się za tym, by nie prowokować Tatarów. Brali jednak czynny udział w zwalczaniu najazdów tatarskich. W walce z Tatarami gotowi byli wykorzystać pomoc Kozaków. W latach 1624–1628 bracia Zbarascy poparli pomysł interwencji w wewnętrzne sprawy Chanatu Krymskiego. Uważali bowiem, że podsycanie wojny domowej na Krymie będzie pod każdym względem korzystne dla interesów Rzeczypospolitej. Bardzo ciekawy był też stosunek braci Zbaraskich do Kozaczyzny. Obaj książęta uważali Kozaków za buntowników, burzycieli porządku wewnętrznego i awanturników prowokujących konflikty z Turcją. Nie akceptowali polityki pobłażania Kozakom w okresie przed Cecorą. Po Chocimiu nakłaniali Kozaków do zaprzestania wypraw na Morze Czarne. Obaj bracia bardzo szybko dostrzegli niebezpieczeństwo, jakie stanowił sojusz prawosławnych władyków z Kozaczyzną. Uznali go za poważne zagrożenie dla interesów Rzeczypospolitej na Ukrainie. Książęta Zbarascy odnosili się do mołojców z poczuciem wyższości i z pogardą. Doceniali jednak siłę wojskową Kozaczyzny. Bracia Zbarascy opowiadali się za polityką twardej ręki wobec Kozaków. Książę Jerzy wielokrotnie powtarzał, że na Kozaków nie trzeba żadnych komisji, tylko szabli. Niemniej książęta ze Zbaraża czuli respekt przed liczną i bitną armią kozacką. Bali się zniszczenia swoich majątków. Po zawarciu ugody kurukowskiej opowiedzieli się jednak za rygorystycznym przestrzeganiem jej warunków. Stosunkowo niewiele uwagi poświęcali natomiast Zbarascy sytuacji w księstwach naddunajskich – Mołdawii i Wołoszczyźnie. Śledzili zaś poczynania władcy Siedmiogrodu – Bethlena Gabora. Paradoksem wydaje się to, że po śmierci Krzysztofa, kiedy został najpotężniejszym latyfundystą na kresach Rzeczypospolitej, Jerzy ks. Zbaraski w dużo mniejszym stopniu interesował się sytuacją w tamtym regionie. Jego uwagę absorbowały bowiem w tym czasie zupełnie inne problemy. Warto w tym kontekście zaznaczyć, że również wcześniej problematyka pogranicza południowo-wschodniego nie stanowiła bynajmniej głównego przedmiotu zainteresowania braci Zbaraskich. Byli oni bowiem politykami, którzy próbowali wpływać na całokształt tak wewnętrznej, jak i zagranicznej polityki państwa, śledząc i komentując na bieżąco wszystkie najistotniejsze wydarzenia, które rozgrywały się w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w drugim i trzecim dziesięcioleciu XVII w.

Magyarország és Róma, 1628–1635 (J. B. Pallotto, C. Rocci és M. Baglioni bécsi nunciatúrájának magyar vonatkozásai)

Author(s): Péter Tusor / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2017

The paper examines in detail the Hungarian relations with the IVth Abteilung of the Nuntiaturberichte, from the extraordinary nunciature of Giovanni Battista Pallotto to the mission of Malatesta Baglioni. The analysis focuses on the volumes published by Rotraud Becker in the 21st century. It also discusses the Roman legation of Pázmány and the planning of his return that is the nucleum of the Hungarian projection of the source material. Compared to this, the occurrence of data related to the Habsburg Empire and the Principality of Transylvania, including data related to the succession to the throne and the Hungarian diet, is secondary. The religious matters rather fade into the background, only the support of the missions of the Propaganda Fide makes the picture more nuanced. There were no reforms in the age of the nunciature of Vienna, but the nunciature was decisively political, that looked at Hungary, as well as Central Europe from the point of view of the European, Italian policy. This can be proved with a rich and valuable series of data from the enormous documentary material of the IVth Abteilung of the Nuntiaturberichte, issued in the 21st century. The four imposing volumes of the enormous enterprise of the German Historical Institute in Rome make – partially through Hungarian-related data –the statement of Georg Lutz concerning the Barberini era about “the specific interference of religion and policy” at the expense of the former even more plastic. At the same time, they further detail the reasons given in the Reinhard thesis about the Italianisation of the Papacy and the Holy College. As a result, now we know the collision between the Barberini Pope and Cardinal Pázmány almost in its whole depth. A particular consequence of this conflict was that Pázmány formalized the Hungarian church-state ideology dating back in the 15th century, on the basis of which the Hungarian (apostolic) kings, referring to the ius supremi patronatus, had more control over the Hungarian church than the Roman Pontiffs in many respects. In the paper, out of the countries of the Hungarian Holy Crown only the Kingdom of Hungary and the Principality of Transylvania are mentioned in detail, while Croatia and Dalmatia only marginally. Namely, these later territories had been controlled by the nunciature of Graz, and most of their ecclesiastic matters, including the apostolic missions in the Balkans, were transferred to the nunciature of Venice rather than to that of Vienna.

Pártütő volt-e Zrínyi Miklós (a költő)?

Author(s): Gábor Hausner / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 02/2018

In the documents we have access to today – i.e. Zrínyi’s own works, his letters, and the contemporary documents – do not present any traces of rebellious political attitudes or Zrínyi’s support for any rebellious political movement. Instead of ‘rebellio’, he always uses the word ‘reformatio’: the renewal of the milirary and society, unity instead of dissesion, serving the interests of the bonum publicum instead of the privatum, and heroic virtue and self-sacrifice instead of otium. His wide interests in the domain of political theory have crystallized around ideologies such as Machiavellianism and French absolutism. Military reasons have also made him a devotee of order, discipline, social stability, and legality. Nevertheless, an interesting characteristic of his devotion for order is that its goal is not peace, but war.

A Wesselényi-féle összeesküvés

Author(s): Ignác Romsics / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 02/2018

Although the Ottoman forces heading towards Vienna suffered a crushing defeat from the Christian troops on 1 August 1664 near Szentgotthárd, the imperial War Council decided to sign a peace that recognized all of the previous Turkish conquests and forbade the pursuit of the fleeing enemy. From the Viennese court’s standpoint, this was a logical decision, because the ruler, Leopold I was preoccupied with the impending extinction of the Spanish Habsburg dynasty and the inevitable war of succession that would break out. The troops were being kept in reserve for this. The Hungarian nobles, however, who hoped that the victory would signal the start of an anti-Turkish campaign, which would result in the whole of Hungary being liberated, became deeply dismayed. The most illustrious dignitaries of the country – Ferenc Wesselényi (Palatine), György Lippay (Archbishop of Esztergom), Ferenc Nádasdy (Lord Chief Justice) and Péter Zrínyi (Ban of Croatia) – all swore to oppose the emperor in order to create a Hungary independent from the Habsburgs with foreign help. After long preparations this conspiracy led to the armed uprising in 1670, that came, however, to naught and the Viennese court made an example of the plotters to serve as warning. It sentenced the chief conspirators to death by beheading and to loss of lands; the rest saw part or all of their property confiscated. It was following this that Leopold proclaimed the so-called legal forfeiture doctrine as the pretext for introducing open monarchical absolutism. Due to the resistance of the Hungarian nobility, however, his attempt failed.

Една история на Охрид от 1655 година

Author(s): Bozhidar Dimitrov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/1981

Torda vármegye birtokos társadalma a 17. század első felében

Author(s): Árpád Botond György / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 09/2018

Dáné Veronka: „Mennyi jobbágya és mennyi portiója”. Erdélyi Tudományos Füzetek. 286. Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület, Kvár, 2016.

Egy újabb erdélyi forráskiadványról

Author(s): Csaba Izsán / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 10/2018

Az Erdélyi Káptalan jegyzőkönyvei 1600–1613 (Szerk. Gálfi Emőke). Az Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület kiadása, Kvár, 2016.

СУДЬБА КАРЕЛЬСКОГО ПЛЕННИКА ЮРИЯ КОНДРАТЬЕВА

Author(s): A. Yu. Zhukov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 7(176)/2018

Using a set of judicial and legal sources and accompanying materials of the second half of the XVII century, the author traced the struggle for personal freedom of Yuri Kondratyev, who was captured by the Russian troops in the Kexholm County of Sweden and became a servant (a “household man”) of a nobleman Ivan the Fifth. However, the court of the Posolsky Prikaz (Ambassadorial Prikaz) granted him the status of a free man, and his family also got their freedom. The main goal and tasks of the research are to“inscribe” the fate of Yuri Kondratyev into the country’s general historical context and the evolution of state institutions, especially the evolution of the prikaz system and legislation. The novelty of the study is that it examines the personal aspect of the general transformation of traditional society in the light of an individual’s legal capacity expansion. The chronological framework of the work is the initial period of absolutism formation within the estate-representative monarchy. The analysis is based on a microhistorical approach, and partly on the methodology of everyday life history.Key words: captivity, servitude, Posolsky Prikaz (Ambassadorial Prikaz), Prikaz of Petitions (Chelobitny Prikaz), court, decree,precedent law, social status, legal personality, Olonets County (Uyezd)

II. Gusztáv Adolf belföldi propagandája a harmincéves háborúban

Author(s): Péter Szűcs / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2018

Situated on the northern periphery of the European continent, with extensive territory but sparse population, Sweden had played a minor role only in the history of Europe before entering the Thirty Years’ War, yet soon rising into the ranks of the most significant great powers of the seventeenth century. The foreign policy of expansion, at the same time, took a high social toll: in addition to high taxes, a substantial part of the population of the country was kept in arms permanently, never to return to their homeland. In its effort to prevent rebellions, the Swedish state launched a conscious and extensive propaganda campaign targeted at all segments of the population. In this essay I discuss a period of Swedish participation in the war, brief as it were, yet resulting in significant Protestant victories, concentrating on the Swedish war propaganda implemented during the German campaign of Swedish ruler Gustavus II (1611-1632) as well as the one preparing it. I do this on the basis of documents pertaining to parliamentary sessions, day of prayer posters (böndagsplakat) issued every year, read out and posted in every congregation as well as sources related to days of thanksgiving (tacksägelsedag) ordered after military victories. I first give an overview of the Swedish state, then, having covered the major generic and content-related characteristics of the sources I perform a content analysis of the message conveyed. The Lutheran Church of Sweden played a major role in disseminating war propaganda: the message that the central power wished to mediate on the days of prayer prescribed for every parish several times a year or on days of thanksgiving was coated with the dogmas of Lutheran orthodoxy; it thus could appear as part of the everyday religious practice, in an easily comprehensible way, for the widest target audience of the peasantry.

Magyar és oszmán összecsapások 1601-ben

Author(s): Zsolt Baráth / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

Bagi Zoltán Péter:„Én alig vóltam erősb és rettenetesb harczon és viadalon, mint ez vala.” A keresztény és az oszmán fősereg harca 1601-ben. Iszkaszentgyörgyi Községi Önkormányzat, Iszkaszentgyörgy, 2016. 215 oldal

Miron Barnovschi-Movilă et la cour de Moscou : à propos des reliques de saint Jacques le Perse

Author(s): Vera Tchentsova / Language(s): French Issue: 1/2018

In the struggle against his main military rival, the Ottoman Empire, Shah Abbas I the Great searched for allies. Persian ambassadors arrived in Moscow in 1629, the very same year the Moldavian prince Miron Barnovsky-Movilă sent envoys to present the relics of Saint James Intercisus, known as James the Persian, to the Tsar and to request the authorization to venerate Christ’s Robe. This last relic, part of the Georgian war’s booty, had been sent to Moscow by Shah Abbas a few years earlier. The relic’s authenticity was questioned by the Georgians, but neither by prince Barnovschi or his relative, the archimandrite of the Kiev Cave Monastery, Peter Movilă. This sudden interest in the “Persian relics” probably was a facet of a complex, and ultimately unsuccessful, diplomatic maneuver aiming at building an anti-Ottoman alliance.

Gabriel Béthlen și Ecaterina von Hohenzollern sau Transilvania înainte și în timpul Războiului de Treizeci de Ani (1618–1648)

Author(s): Constantin Ittu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 25/2018

The study is aiming to deal about the history of Transylvania before and during the Thirty Years' War (1618–1648), by focusing on Gabriel Béthlen reign, as well as on his marriage with Ecaterina von Hohenzollern, or Katharina von Brandenburg. In this respect, the study mirrors the importance of the political and military, diplomatic and dynastic alliances, which many times, but not always, were in line with the religious paths or devotional options adopted by the heads of states.

NICCOLÒ CAPPONI, I BERRETTI DI BONNIE DUNDEE – PER LA LIBERTÀ DELLA SCOZIA (1689­1690), PORTO SEGURO EDITORE, FIRENZE 2016, 205 PAGINI

Author(s): Ciro Poaletti / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2018

Török szövetség – Habsburg kiegyezés

Author(s): Dominik Tóth / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2017

Papp Sándor: Török szövetség – Habsburg kiegyezés. A Bocskai-felkelés történetéhez Budapest, KRE–L’Harmattan, 2014.

Relacje z podróży dyplomatycznych. Pomijane źródło do badań nad niemieckim obrazem Polaków w XVII wieku

Author(s): Waclaw Pagórski / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 03/2019

Among the various sources for the study of Polish-German relations in the 17th century, also reports from diplomatic travels deserve attention. To date, they have been mainly studied by historians who analysed the information layer pertaining to the events presented. A significant number of these texts have not yet been published. The purpose of the paper is to identify travelogue as a type of literature, which, due to its characteristics, can also be used for imagological research. The research problem is an attempt to define travelogue as a type of text, although such pieces of writing generally evade definition because of the diverse factors that influence the final shape of the work. The history of research on travelogues in Germany dates back to the 19th century, when they were mainly dealt with by bibliographers and geographers on account of the classic, „narrow“ interpretation of literature, which did not include functional texts. The research method consists in an analysis of the report written by Christoph Leopold Schaffgotsch, an imperial legate, who travelled to Warsaw and participated in the election of the king of Poland in 1699. Politics, which was both the background of events and the main motive for his travel and the writing of the report, undoubtedly left a mark on the content and the image of the Polish society conveyed by the work. Attention should also be drawn to the numerous known, albeit not yet published reports from diplomatic travels, stored e.g. in the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv in Vienna. The author makes the claim that their inclusion could introduce a new quality in the research on the German image of Poles in the 17th century.

Reprezentarea palatinală în Ungaria habsburgică în secolul al XVII-lea

Author(s): Éva S. Lauter / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 10-11/2007

Das Erschaffen des palatinischen Hofes und der palatinischen Representation vom Europ Niveau im 17. Jahrhundert war eme historisches Unter nehmen des ohne selbsstandiges staatliches Zentrum gebliebenen königlichen Ungarns, das die Bereitschaft, die politische Kultur und das Verantwortungsgefühl der ungarischen Hochwürdentr bewies. Der Aufsatz legt die europischen Einflüsse dar, die als Muster der hochadeligen Representation diente; die Zere monie der deutschen Kaiserwahl, an der auch zahireiche ungarische Delegation teilnahm, das höfische Leben in Wien, die Hofhaltung des siebenbürgischen fürst lichen Hofes und der türkischen Pforte. Der Palatin war der erste Würdentrager, das betonten auch seine AuBere, die Kleidung seines Geleits, seine Equipage, seine Pferde. Das andere wichtige Element der Representation war das Schloss und der um dies ausgebildete Garten, es erschienen die Galerien und Kunstschatz sammiungen der Aristokraten und die höfischen Kapellen.

MARCUS AURELIUS SEVERINUS AND HIS ATTEMPT TO REFORM THE SURGERY

Author(s): Antonio Perciaccante / Language(s): English Issue: 38/2019

This paper will analize the attempt of a 17th century Italian surgeon and anatomist Marcus Aurelius Severinus (1580-1656) to reform operative surgical procedures. His contribution to surgery was twofold: both on a methodological and technical level. Severinus was one of the first physicians to theorize and practice an active surgery he called “del medicar crudo” (“to medicate crudely”). He performed the newest surgical techniques, and professed a concept of an early intervening surgery, when the pathological process didn’t show signs of spontaneous resolution. Subsequently, he showed boldness in his surgical practice, as reported in some extracts of his works “De recondita abscessum natura” and “De efficaci Medicina”. However, Severinus’ efforts weren’t met with support from medical community. At that time, surgeons were more careful to avoid pain and further risks to the patients, and they preferred to wait, rather then to attempt a premature surgical approach. However, Severinus was vindicated about 250 years later, when the discovery of anesthesia and infectious prophylaxis allowed for elevation of surgery to a scientific status, as well as application of his principles.