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The issue of old women was not a priority topic in the press. It appeared indirectly, most often when describing other social issues. It accompanied the problems of social exclusion due to gender, age, financial condition, education, and professional status. Three separate images of old women emerged on the pages of the interwar press for Polish women. Firstly, there was the image of a matron, that is a dignified married woman, a mother, a tireless social activist who skilfully combined sacrificial work for the benefit of the family and the interests of the community. The figure of a matron was identified with noble features of a woman who demanded a lot from herself, becoming a moral role model for other women. In turn, in the image of the old lady, there was a tendency to show a younger, modernized version of the matron. The lady was ready to introduce innovative elements of family, social and professional life. She knew how to modernize the work of social associations. The third image contained the representation of poor, lonely, hopeless old age. It reflected the vision of an old woman who experienced material poverty, unemployment and homelessness.
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This study examines the caricature collection of the Museum of the National Assembly, which existed between 1923 and 1949. It was created by the regime in power between the two World Wars for propaganda purposes. The core assumption of the study is that the regime used political caricatures as a form of self-representation, therefore the way the institution operated was strongly determined by political and ideological factors. The study discusses the organization of the collection and the exhibitions showcasing the works along these ideas. By examining the circumstances of the acquisition of the caricatures, the social status of the previous owners, the artists, and their political affiliations, and of course the caricatures themselves, the study attempts to answer the question how purposefully the museum used its caricature collection as an instrument of propaganda. It also aims to call attention to this unique collection of the Museum of the National Assembly, which has barely been researched before. By creating a collection of more than 1500 items and collecting and examining these caricatures in a scientific manner as historical sources, political caricatures entered the spotlight of political history research in Hungary for the first time. The primary sources of the study were archival documents regarding the Museum of the National Assembly, contemporary press releases, and the caricature collection itself, which remained intact almost in its entirety and is currently available for research in the Graphic Collection of the Hungarian National Museum.
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While planning the Parliament Building architect Imre Steindl designated a minor role to paintings and sculptures, wanting to integrate the interior architecture into the Gothic style of the building. He accepted murals as a compromise but refused to have any oil paintings. However, he failed to execute his vision due to the approach of the Hungarian Millennium of 1896, a series of celebrations commemorating the thousand-year anniversary of the Hungarian conquest of the Carpathian Basin. For this event an oil painting portraying the conquest was ordered from Mihály Munkácsy, as well as a pair of statues depicting Franz Joseph I, and his wife, Elisabeth, with the intention of displaying them in the Parliament. Further orders were made in 1902, when the lawmakers occupied the building. From the very beginning they wanted to decorate their rooms and offices with paintings, sculptures, and works of applied art. As representations of their positions, they usually displayed portraits of their predecessors, or important events and figures of Hungarian history and law-making. In the 1920s and 1930s the number of artworks in the Parliament significantly increased due to two Speakers of the National Assembly, Béla Scitovszky and Tibor Zsitvay. Their contributions included the galleries depicting the former speakers and first officers of the National Assembly, the large tapestry by Gyula Rudnay depicting the national assembly in Ópusztaszer, the painting by Gyula Benczúr about the national Assembly paying respect to the king at the Millennium, as well as the depictions of monarchs (Franz Joseph I, Charles IV) and statesmen (István Széchenyi, Lajos Kossuth, Ferenc Deák, Miklós Horthy). This study discusses the history of the most exceptional works of art among these until the middle of the 1940s.
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This article contributes to the discourse on experimental interwar fairy tales as a subgenre that undermines the anachronistic fairy-tale conventions to a selective negation or recontextualization in accordance with a contemporaneous cultural crisis. The contribution consists of demonstrating how fairy tales provide popular interwar religious authors with a platform to parallel the critical mirroring of their secular contemporaneous society with an articulation of a Christian, humanist optimism. A spatially focused comparison of Ödön von Horváth’s cycle of fairy tales Sportmärchen (1924–1926, published posthumously in 1972), and Joachim Ringelnatz’s Nervosipopel: Elf Angelegenheiten (1924) distinguishes the vertical and horizontal textual spaces to demonstrate that both authors reflect their metaphysically uprooted society through a negation of the genre's characteristic orientation toward harmonic equilibriums on a horizontal spatial axis. However, by overlaying destructive horizontals with antinomic, transcendence-signifying Christian verticals, the tales also articulate a modality of nearness to God, even in the secular world. This symbolic and positive vertical motion correlates with preserving the genre's characteristic idealization of a child.
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The position of Russian refuges in the 1920s in Bulgaria is analyzed in the article drawing on a large factual material. The reasons for the country’s policy of «open doors», the numerical dynamics of emigrants, the peculiarities of their social composition and adaptation are revealed. It is shown that the legal status of Russians was regulated at the national level, taking into account the interests of emigration in Bulgaria and the situation in other countries, as well as in close connection with the decisions of the League of Nations. Gradually, a unified legal context of refugee existence was created. The Russian diplomatic mission headed by A. M. Petryaev, who since 1923 handed over his duties to the former adviser of the Russian Embassy in Bulgaria S. G. Bogoyavlensky, the Committee on Russian Refugees in Bulgaria, the representation of the High Commissioner for Refugees in Bulgaria, provided institutional assistance. The relationship between various institutions and personalities in solving the refugee issue is revealed. The legal status of Russians is examined from the standpoint of structural integration: inclusion in the host society through the national labor market, taxation, social sphere, realization of inheritance rights, access to the court, through the structures of the Russian Orthodox Church, the institution of citizenship. Russian refugees in Bulgaria formally obeyed the general laws on foreigners on an equal basis with other foreigners. There was no special law regulating the rights of Russians, but they were in a different position compared to other foreigners because of the number of legislative and administrative reservations. The special attitude towards the veterans of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877–1878 was characteristic: they were granted the right to a lifetime monthly allowance. The role of Nansen passports, established for Russians, and the difficulties of their application by ordinary migrants are revealed. It is concluded that the economic crisis of the late 1920s – early 1930s stimulated the integration of Russians due to the activation of naturalization. The confessional and linguistic affinity of the peoples played a role.
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The article studies the philosophical context of Russian prose, including the Russian folk legend of Belovodye and devoted to the problem of the social ideal. In the works of Russian cosmist philosophers, followers of N. F. Fedorov, V. N. Muravyev, N. A. Setnitsky and A. K. Gorsky, the post-revolutionary ideal of socialism and communism is presented as imperfect, limited, although connected with the true, theocratic ideal of the Kingdom of God on Earth. Not only the social order will be changed in the process of its implementation, but the whole world, including human nature, will also be improved. The writers M. P. Plotnikov, Vs. Ivanov, Vyach. Shishkov and A. P. Platonov, in their works of the mid-1920s considered the problem of the ideal in a similar way. Embodied in the popular utopian legend, the image of Belovodye as the true ideal, the earthly kingdom of piety, justice and righteous faith, was opposed in their works to a limited ideal, a false ideal. This ideal was marked by imperfection in terms of the goal of development — material well-being, or in terms of means — vio- lence. Writers, as well as cosmist philosophers, saw one of the reasons for the impossibility of achieving the true ideal in the imperfection of human nature. The comparative analysis allowed to conclude that, although the writers con- sidered the problem of the social ideal in their own way, they are united with cosmist philosophers by the idea of the need to expand the imperfect ideal of socialism and communism into a true, absolute ideal.
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This paper presents the methods of medical and professional assistance of Romanian invalids who participated in the Great War. The program designed by orthopedic doctor Ion Ghiulamila within the “Society of War Invalids” was based on the concept of work assistance.Thus, many disabled people were trained for various trades, including the making of traditional artifacts, which were later exhibited at fairs and exhibitions. The promises of the authorities regarding the financial aid of the war victims created the most inconveniences.
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This article honors M. Gorky, the renowned proletarian writer, and considers his correspondence with Kazan schoolchildren and students of the Kazan Technical Plant in the 1920s and 1930s. So far, these letters have received little attention from researchers, but their value for raising young Soviet citizens in line with the new trends of Soviet education and state ideology is undeniable. Here, M. Gorky’s epistolary heritage and journalistic statements are analyzed, and 12 letters written to him by Kazan children are studied. The letters are available in the A.M. Gorky Archive of the A.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences (AG IWL RAS) and introduced for the first time into the scholarly discourse. The analysis shows that M. Gorky was always considerate and thoughtful towards his young addressees so that he became a mentor to the younger Soviet generation. The survey reveals that the children’s letters have a rich informational and source potential. They provide a better insight into the psychological and social image of the Soviet people in the 1920s and 1930s. The results obtained are relevant to future studies on the epistolary and journalistic heritage of M. Gorky and add considerably to our understanding of the historical and literary process of that epoch. The epistolary materials involved in the study should be of interest to anyone curious about the Soviet period.
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This article examines the changes in the higher education system of Russia during the 1930s when the long-established educational system was transformed to meet the state’s demands. The Soviet state faced the problem of training and fostering highly qualified specialists to solve the problems of the country’s industrialization. For this reason, an extensive campaign was launched to create technical universities in the country. The Middle Volga region, where several technical universities were opened in a short time, played an important role in this process. Based on archival documents, the steps taken to build a new higher school are analyzed. Due to the state demand for the economy industrialization, new forms of work organization were introduced into the professional activities of professors and lecturers, in some cases either against their actual will or under pressure from the authorities. A close connection between science and production contributed to the emergence of new work formats that did not always “fit” into the academic environment. By the end of the 1930s, however, the Soviet state, which had set a clear course for the development of industrialization, defined technical specialization as a priority direction in the system of higher education.
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In the Jewish neighborhoods of Bucharest, public spaces were often used as places of both commercial and religious ritual. On the one hand, due to the legal restrictions allowing them access to a very limited number of professions, Jews were in general both craftsmen and merchants, selling their own products. They usually did that from small houses, where they would have a tiny store at the front and a cramped lodging at the back, but many were in fact even poorer than that (contrary to the usual stereotype) and were forced to sell their merchandise in the street, in famous places like Taica Lazăr, which led to the emergence of a genuine street lifestyle. On the other hand, many Jewish holidays and traditions were celebrated by default out in the street, together with the entire community, and not in the intimacy of one’s home, which was often too small. Therefore, several times a year ancient religious rituals were brought to life in these public spaces.This study presents the two different types of ritual, “commercial” and “religious,”which filled the public spaces of the old Jewish neighborhoods of Bucharest until World War II, when this lifestyle was destroyed forever first by the Holocaust and then by communism.To this end it looks at literary descriptions, photographic images, newspaper articles,advertisements and archival material depicting the activities that took place on the “Jewish streets” for centuries, until they were brought up to an abrupt end in mid-20th century.
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The end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century is one of the most exciting periods in the history of Hungarian sport. In the capital and in the countryside, countless clubs were founded which played a decisive role in the cultivation and dissemination of physical culture. One of these clubs was the Eperjesi Torna és Vívó Egyesület (Slovak: Prešovský telocvičný a šermovný spolok, English: Gymnastics and Fencing Club of Eperjes), which became one of the first sports clubs in the eastern part of Upper Hungary, also having a tremendous social impact. Throughout its history, the ETVE has been a staunch advocate of Hungarian identity, not only promoting sport, but also working for assimilation of ethnic minorities in the period before the First World War and against assimilation of Hungarians after 1920. Although the name of ETVE is not unknown to those interested in Hungarian sport history, the history of the club's development remains completely unexplored, and the aim of this research is to fill this gap, which also provides an opportunity to gain, through sports, insight into the life of a Hungarian community that has almost completely disappeared by now.
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There had been a total of six lawsuits against Ferenc Szálasi in the Horthy era: five libel suits and one political suit had been filed against the future Leader of the Nation in court . This study examines the libel suits based on the available archival sources, relevant press releases, and historical literature related to the topic. The authorities filed the suits because of the following Szálasi pamphlets: in March and August 1937 because of the text titled Hungarian Worker! Comrade! (Magyar Munkás! Eszmetárs!), the articles published in the same year in the New Hungarian Worker (Uj Magyar Munkás) newspaper, the Decree of the Hungarian National Socialist Party Leadership (Magyar Nemzeti Szocialista Párt Vezetőségi Határozata), written in collaboration with co-president Lajos Széchenyi in February 1937, and Memorandum No. 4., published in July 1937. In these lawsuits Szálasi was found guilty in incitement against class and religion, according to Article 172(2) of the Csemegi Code, as well as in incitement against the state according to Article 5 of Act III of 1921 About The More Effective Defence of State and Social Order. However, despite several motions from the prosecution, the court elected to not penalize him for conspiracy against the state according to Article 1-2, and libel against the nation according to Article 7 of the same Act. Due to the low penalties given in these libel suits, the court sentenced Ferenc Szálasi to three years, one month and thirteen days in prison in 1940 as an aggregate punishment.
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Prince Georg Friedrich, the great-grandson of the last German Kaiser, Wilhelm II, announced in the spring of 2023 that the Hohenzollern family will not proceed with the lawsuits initiated against the German state on the grounds of compensation for confiscated assets. After 1945, the communist regime nationalized the movables and immovables, which mostly got into the Soviet occupation zone. However, in 1994, German legislature created a legal opportunity for reclaiming confiscated assets and the compensation of owners. The law excluded those from the compensation whose ancestors played a significant role under the National Socialist or communist dictatorships. In 1945, the senior head of the family was Wilhelm, the former Crown Prince; therefore it was inevitable to look into his political activity during the legal procedure. From the end of the 1920s, he openly sympathized with the National Socialist Party and their cooperation did not end even after January 1933. In this article, I examine the relationship between the former Crown Prince and the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP) with special regard to the 1932 Reich presidential elections.
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Human society has always been characterized by behavioral deviations that have negatively influenced the local community. In order to ensure public order and safety, the State established institutions charged with duties meant to protect the citizens from the various criminals operating among the population. In the early years after the Great Union of 1918, police constables and patrolmen were appointed, but later they filled the posts by competition and had to meet very strict requirements. Quite often, especially in the early days, they committed offences and abused the power conferred by their position, which led to the emergence of a feeling of fear and distrust among the population.
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Foreign trade policies are one of the important tools used to determine the development policies of a country and to gain competitive power for the domestic producer. The Republic of Turkey, which was founded in 1923, was able to achieve its economic independence in 1929 due to the capitulation policy of the Ottoman Empire on the basis of provisionism. In the Trade Regime Negotiations in Lausanne, it was decided to implement a 5-year temporary regime process as a result of tough negotiations with England and France, who wanted a 20-year temporary regime. During the period when the temporary regime was in effect, it was decided to implement the "1916 Tariff" based on a specific duty, which was created after the unilateral abolition of the capitulations on the grounds of World War I. Obtaining the independence to determine foreign trade policy before the Great Depression of 1929 provided an important economic advantage for the country at a time when protectionism was on the rise. In the study, the effects of the 1838 Anglo-Ottoman Treaty and 1861 System Trade agreements on the emergence of a foreign-dependent economy, the protectionist aspect of the 1916 Customs Tariff that became dysfunctional due to high inflation, the destruction of the subsistence economy with the capitalist transformation triggered by the increase in foreign trade, the Trade Regime Commission, document number 5, in which the decisions regarding the trade regime after the Treaty of Lausanne were taken, the class conflict based on the Supreme Economic Council and chambers before the 1929 Customs Tariff, and the protectionist aspect of the 1929 Customs Tariff will be discussed. Although the main factor in the emergence of a foreigndependent economy is capitulations, it can be stated that in a period when mercantilist policies were effective, the state's encouraging imports and controlling exports in order to keep the goods abundant in the foreign trade market led to the emergence of a dependent economy. Therefore, it can be stated that capitulations both triggered the process of capitalism through trade and also caused the termination of economic practices that did not reflect the realities of the age. As a result of the struggle against the capitulations, it was understood that economic independence should not be compromised and this motivation became the driving force in the Lausanne negotiations. It can be stated that the first actions of industrialization moves were created in this period, with the independence of foreign trade policy in 1929 in accordance with the Treaty of Lausanne.
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The article presents the results of academic research focusing on the origins and development of anti-aircraft artillery in the United States, which was to guarantee the safety of American soldiers fighting in the First and Second World Wars. The findings of this study confirm that, in the early days, knowledge of the phenomena occurring in the air dimension of armed struggle was primarily empirical. As early as 1916, Alexander Graham Bell warned of the possibility of air raids on the United States. Over the next 25 years, experts conducted research into air defense, which became crucial in its subsequent development. The basis for the development of air defense was the emergence of a new weapon at the end of the First World War, i.e., anti-aircraft artillery. Basing on the experience of the United States from the First World War in the interwar period, air defense began to be seen in terms of a system whose main task was to detect and destroy enemy aviation, attacking troops, civilians, and facilities at the rear of the front. Considering the outlined problem scenario and the subject of the research, it was assumed that the aim of the article will be to discuss the stages of the development of air defense in the United States in the years 1917–1945 and the experience of US anti-aircraft artillery gained on the fronts of the First and Second World Wars.
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Samsun was a coastal city that remained relatively in the background from the period when it entered the Ottoman rule until the beginning of the 19th century. The developments in this century have begun to change the fate of the city. The city, frequented by steamships, developed economically and socially in a short time and its population increased with immigration from other Ottoman regions with the opening of the Black Sea to international trade. The USA became a partner in the Black Sea trade and opened a diplomatic mission in Samsun after Trabzon with the trade agreement made between the USA and the Ottoman Empire in 1830. The work of missionary formations operating on behalf of the United States in the region has helped this country to strengthen its presence in Samsun. During the First World War and the National Struggle, there were also disturbances in the Black Sea region and Samsun, the Greek and Armenian population lived, was directly affected by the developments. The National Struggle movement emerged in Anatolia went to the way of ensuring security in the region by going against the separatist elements acting especially with the support of Greece and Britain. Although the U.S. was not directly involved in the events during this period, it took a stance on the side of the separatists through its employees and missionaries in the region. S. Pinkney Tuck, who was appointed as consul to Samsun in such a turbulent period, prepared informative reports for his country regarding the political, economic and social developments in the region during his term of office. S. Pinkney Tuck, who was appointed as consul in Samsun in such a complicated period, prepared informative reports on the political, economic and social developments in the region during his tenure. In this study, Tuck's consular report dated December 13, 1920 obtained from the American archives was discussed. In this report, Tuck made evaluations of his findings and observations regarding the production and trade potential of Samsun, the livelihood conditions of the people living in the city, life habits, health, entertainment and cultural infrastructure opportunities rather than political developments. These evaluations, made by a foreign diplomat by centering on himself, have an interesting content in terms of revealing another dimension of daily life in an Anatolian city during the National Struggle period.
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Since the mid-19th century, railways have come to the forefront as the most important means of transportation, first in Europe and then almost everywhere in the world. The first railway construction works in the Ottoman Empire started in the 1850s and most of these roads were built with concessions granted to foreign companies. The railroads established in line with the political and economic ambitions of foreign states were mostly built in the western regions of the country, while the Black Sea region, Central Anatolia and Eastern Anatolia regions were neglected. In addition, the lack of railroads in these regions was seen as a deficiency during the First World War and the War of Independence. Considering all these, a special importance was given to the road policy in the Republican period and an integrity was tried to be established between the east and the west of the country. The most important goal of Atatürk's railway policy was to build railways with national capital and to nationalize the railways owned by foreign companies by purchasing them. In line with this goal, an intensive construction and procurement process was undertaken in the early years of the Republic to expand the railroad network in a short period of time. With the railroads built in the Black Sea region, the rich agricultural products, mines and many other riches of the region found the opportunity to be transported to the interior, west and east. The aim of this study is to examine the railway policies implemented between 1923 and 1938 through the Black Sea region and to reveal the construction processes of the railways and their effects on the country.
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This article describes the concept of maritime education implemented in the female scouting environment in the interwar period. To develop the topic, archival materials stored in the Archives of New Records, the Scouting Museum and the collections of the University Library of the Catholic University of Lublin and the Main Medical Library were used. In addition, valuable information was obtained from the resources of the scouting press, as well as thematic studies, particularly of memoirs. The analysis of the source materials indicates that the idea of maritime education was gradually implemented, initially as part of the activities of scouting circles in Vladivostok and then Wejherowo. From the second half of the 1920s, the boating movement—which had been initially associated with male scout teams from Poznań, Vilnius and Warsaw—was developed among girl scouts. In 1931, the troop of the 13th General Zamoyska Blue Team of Scouts in Poznań acquired a sailing character. At that time, the girl scouts started a series of specialised sea yachting training. In 1934, the scouts acquired an independent training yacht ‘Grażyna’. In the second half of the 1930s, independent women’s crews sailed in the Gulf of Gdańsk and the waters of the Baltic Sea. Maritime education was related to the maritime policy of the state. At that time, it was also based on the educational assumptions of scouting and was popularised in the scouting press. The most outstanding girl scouts specialising in women’s sailing were Jadwiga Skąpska-Truscoe, Jadwiga Wolffowa and Janina Bartkiewicz.
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