Contribuții la studiul populației orașului Vaslui
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Atricolul prezintă date referitoare la populația orașului Vaslui.
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Review of: Ivan Burmistrov - Raja Adal. Beauty in the Age of Empire: Japan, Egypt, and the Global History of Aesthetic Education. New York: Columbia University Press, 2019. 296 pp. ISBN 978-0-231-19116-6.
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Review of: Arnold Suppan: Hitler – Beneš – Tito. Konflikt, Krieg und Völkermord in Ostmittelund Südosteuropa. (Internationale Geschichte, Bd. 1, 1-3.) Verl. der Öster. Akad. der Wissenschaften. 2., korrigierte Aufl. Wien 2014 (1. Aufl. 2013). 2060 S. in drei Bänden. ISBN 978-3-7001-7309-0. (€ 148,–.). Reviewed by Eva Hahn.
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Review of: Piotr Rypson: Against All Odds. Polish Graphic Design 1919-1949. Übersetzt von Richard Bialy . Karakter. Kraków 2011. 408 S., Ill. ISBN 978-83-62376-10-0. (PLN 159,–.). Reviewed by Corinna Kühn.
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The article argues that leading figures of the emerging Lithuanian state in 1918 to 1920 used democratic semantics and mechanisms to gain international support for their project of consolidating statehood. These were used specifically to dissociate independent Lithuania from Bolshevik Russia, from Germany, and from Poland. With the devaluation of alternative political models, such as the Brest system and Bolshevism, democracy became the only legitimate basis for the newly emerging states of East Central Europe. The article thus looks at the history of early interwar Lithuania from an international perspective, using Lithuanian newspapers and correspondence between Lithuanian political actors and representatives and journalists of the Western Entente. In Lithuanian nationalism prior to the First World War, democracy played a very minor role. Moreover, only a small number of Lithuanians had experience with democratic practices. The short-lived Brest-Litovsk system, to which the newly independent Lithuanian state belonged, was intrinsically anti-democratic. Democracy as a legitimate foundation of statehood became important only with the German defeat in November 1918. The new Lithuanian state subsequently took up concepts of “western” democracy, particularly from the U.S., making them part of a lobbying effort, which was carried out partly by Lithuanian state actors themselves (e.g. at the Paris Peace Conference) or by diaspora Lithuanians. Democracy as discussed within Lithuania was an integrating system, encapsulating secular liberalism and political Catholicism, which had been the most important (and often conflicting) political movements within Lithuanian pre-World War I nationalism. Lithuania was thus conceived of as a “thoroughly democratic nation”, which was by nature opposed to German authoritarianism and Russian Bolshevism. Even as the members of the Western Entente continued to pin their hopes on the White Movement as the main opponent of Bolshevism, Lithuania was increasingly perceived abroad as a successful antiBolshevik de facto state. In the first half of 1919, minority rights became a part of the Versailles agenda. With anti-Jewish pogroms perpetrated by Polish soldiers, Lithuanian state actors successfully invented the Lithuanian Republic as a multi-ethnic counterweight to an increasingly chauvinistic Poland and as a protector of Belarusians and Jews. While the integration of Belarusians went almost unnoticed abroad, the granting of cultural and administrative autonomy to the Lithuanian Jews became a powerful propaganda tool for Lithuanian state actors and diaspora Lithuanians lobbying in the USA. The international perception that Polish territorial ambitions in the East were becoming increasingly problematic and threatening peace was a decisive factor for international support of Lithuanian independence. The final granting of de jure statehood, however, only came in 1922 with the international awareness that the White movement had failed – it thus became more practical to support democratic states at the former imperial periphery than permit them to fall to Bolshevism. Belarusian and Jewish autonomy were abolished only a short time later. The limitation of Lithuanian democracy to the purpose of consolidating statehood in the specific post-First World War context very possibly contributed to its quick decline: The coup of 1926 and the establishment of Smetona as “national leader” two years later effectively abolished the short-lived Lithuanian democracy.
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Trapisti predstavljaju reformisane cistercite i sami sebe nazivaju „cistercitima strogih običaja“. Nastali su u cistercitskom samostanu La Trappe, u kojem je 1664. godine Armand Jean Bouthillier Rancé sproveo reforme ovog reda. Samostan „La Trappe“ (u Orneu) nazvan je po romantičnoj i teško pristupačnoj dolini „la Trappe“ u Normandiji i na francuskom jeziku znači „Vučja jama“. Grof Rotrou podigao je samostan između 1120–1140. i predao ga na upravljanje benediktincima. Redu cistercita, osnovanog i uređenog prema načelu sv. Benedikta (VI. vijek), da „svaki samostan treba da bude vjerna slika jedne istinske kršćanske porodice ili nebeske zajednice“, priključio se ovaj samostan 1147. godine. Trapisti su se širili postepeno i tokom XVIII. vijeka u matičnoj Francuskoj osnovali su samo dva samostana.
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In this paper, based on the previously unpublished archival materials, the issues of the social status of disabled and elderly women in Siberia in the 1920—1930s (which were united under the general status of the disabled population) are examined. The main directions of the Soviet State social policy the regarding the disabled women are analyzed: pensions, social assistance, employment policy, social welfare in shelters for disabled people. Specific examples, given in the text, illustrate the features of the daily life of the disabled women — both living inside and outside the institutions for people with disabilities. The state social policy towards the disabled women in the 1920—1930s is characterized by the extreme ambivalence. The measures of social support for replenishment were taken, but it was accessible to a narrow circle of people. The only area of real interaction between the society and women with disabilities was the sphere of employment, where they were actively included, as the proletarian state needed workers within the context of industrialization. During the conduct of social policy, the Soviet authorities did not divide disabled and elderly people on a gender basis, but the disabled women during the 1920—1930s remained one of the most socially vulnerable groups of the population. At the same time, the state made non-systemic attempts to integrate women with disabilities into society on the basis of measures of vocational rehabilitation.
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This article considers the image of stakhanovka E. Vinogradova as a Soviet celebrity. The analysis of Vinogradova’s representations in the press reveals the features of the Soviet celebrity culture, as well as patriarchal nature of the Soviet society. Being similar to celebrity culture of the capitalist countries in many respects, Soviet celebrity culture did not oppose private and public. On the one hand, it helped to avoid inequality in relations between the famous stakhanovites and their “fans” and to show the unity of all Soviet citizens as one big working family. But on the other hand, the image of stakhanovka as a minor member of this family proved the preservation of the patriarchal gender hierarchy in the Soviet public discourse.
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In the article, the multi-faceted cooperation between Poland and Bulgaria in the 1920s in the political, economic and cultural spheres is presented based on Polish archival materials. After the end of the First World War, Bulgarians wanted more equal relations with Poland, because they wanted Poland to be an advocate of Bulgaria. The motto of Polish Balkan policy was, above all, cooperation with Romania in the event of a war threat from Soviet Russia (later USSR). In this context, political relations with Bulgaria had to become less important, whereas economic cooperation was focused on mutually advantageous trade exchange. The author of the article emphasizes the fact that during the period discussed intensive relations developed between Polish and Bulgarian cultural activists, journalists, scientists as well as societies in both countries.
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The article analyzes activities of the Komsomol members at the beginning of the 1920s in the ritual context of the social and political life in the Soviet state. The case study of the Russian Young Communist Union in the Minusinsk uyezd of the Yenisei province showed the all-Russian trends of the Union development at the regional level, in view of the specifics of the youth movement in Siberia. The empirical research is focused upon Minusinsk periodicals of the 1917—1923s where various reviews and articles report on the youth groups’ activities, including the activities of the Russian Young Communist Union in the Minusinsk district. The analysis of the newspaper materials allowed summarizing the given background to show it as a combination of political rituals, with Komsomol members being leaders and participants. The author defines a political ritual as a certain order of political actions, a way of symbolic political behavior, a means of the impact on people’s emotions and a tool to develop political traditions and to impose political ideas on the public consciousness. Following the idea that political and religious rituals have common features, the author of the article used the religious rituals types to consider the political activities of the 1920s. This technique made it possible to reveal the essence and the aim of such rituals as dedication, initiation, dethronement wrong shrines, praise and self-exaltation in the Komsomol activities. To conclude, the political rituals made people’s adaptation to the new life easier and contributed to the ideological consolidation of the community and mainstreaming of the political myths. The Komsomol members in such rituals showed their political consciousness and loyalty to the Union to involve new members into the Russian Young Communist Union and into the political life of the country.
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Review of: Beate Störtkuhl: Moderne Architektur in Schlesien 1900 bis 1939. Baukultur und Politik. (Schriften des Bundesinstituts für Kultur und Geschichte der Deutschen im östlichen Europa, Bd. 45.) Oldenbourg. München 2013. 512 S., zahlr. Ill. ISBN 978-3-486-71208-7. (€ 74,80.). Reviewed by Anna Pelka.
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This paper analyzes governmental regulation of the rental housing market in countries that arose out of the ruins of the Russian Empire during the Russian Civil war in 1918–1922. Geographically it covers territories under control of the Province of the Armed Forces of South Russia, Crimean Regional Government, Don Cossack Host, Far Eastern Republic, Provisional government of the Northern region, Provisional government of Siberia, and Soviet Russia, as well as such national states as Azerbaijan, Armenia, Estonia, Finland, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, and Ukraine. The study compares three major tools for the restrictive housing policy: rent control, protection of tenants from eviction, and housing rationing. It shows the emergence, evolution, and continuity of housing legislation by these governments with respect to that of the All-Russian Provisional government and of the Bolsheviks. Despite sometimes radically opposite ideological attitudes, different governments reacted in a similar way to the acute housing shortage by intervening in the housing market. Finally, government regulations of the rental housing market on the territory of the former Russian Empire is put into the European context using the author’s regulation intensity indices. In Russia, governmental regulation emerged somewhat later than in Europe in general. However, in Soviet Russia it turned into a permanent regulation and remained in force until the early 1990s, while many European countries were deregulating already in the early 1920s.
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The article is a historical and biographical study of the fate of an important Soviet financial official of Latvian origin, who played a crucial role in the formation of the Soviet financial and economic system during the Civil War, directly leading the reconstruction of regional financial systems and financial management bodies in Ukraine and Siberia. The hero of our story had good professional authority among the highest Soviet state and financial figures. F. A. Zemit was acquainted with V. I. Lenin; his close circle included N. N. Krestinskiy, G. Ya. Sokolnikov, A. O. Alskiy, and others. Mass repressions in the 1930s of representatives of the Latvian diaspora and Soviet financial employees foreshadowed Zemita’s tragic fate. The article addresses historical and biographical method used, as well as the general historiography of the issue at hand. The basis for this study was unpublished sources from the 1920s (mainly questionnaires, autobiography, and personnel records) in the Russian State Archive of Economics and the State Archive of the Russian Federation, as well as in five Siberian regional archives and periodicals. These allow the reconstruction of Zemit’s complex life in detail. The article concludes with thoughts about the influence of the Revolution and Civil War on the fate of the hero of this article. This publication may be of interest to a wide range of readers: specialists in the history of the Russian financial system, students of the history of the Latvian diaspora in Russia, and those interested in Soviet pre-war society, repressive policies of the Soviet state, and practical genealogy.
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В 20-х числах апреля 1921 г., практически сразу после подавления Кронштадтского восстания, председатель Совнаркома РСФСР В. И. Ленин поручил руководству ВЧК в течение одной-двух недель разработать и представить в Политбюро ЦК РКП(б) «систематический план» борьбы с контрреволюционным движением на вторую половину 1921 и начало 1922 г. (см. документ 1). Уже через несколько дней, 26 апреля 1921 г., начальник Секретного отдела (далее — СО) ВЧК Т. П. Самсонов переслал председателю ВЧК Ф. Э. Дзержинскому (копия — начальнику Секретно-оперативного управления (далее — СОУ) ВЧК В. Р. Менжинскому) «план работы ВЧК на время с 1-го мая 21 г. по январь — февраль 1922 года» (см. документ 2).
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Using printed periodicals from the first quarter of the 20th century and publications of Russian scholars, this article systematizes information on the military and civil service and scholarly and pedagogical activity of Pavel Vasilyevich Shkurkin (1868–1943). For the first time, facts of the biography of this Russian officer-orientalist are presented as a unity, with an analysis of his scientific works. Historical sources are articles published in the journals News of the Eastern Institute, Notes of the Amur Branch of the Society of Oriental Studies, and Asian Herald. The focus is on the scientific research that Shkurkin had done for several decades in the Russian Far East and northern China. The article notes his heroic participation in important events of the first quarter of the 20th century: suppression of the Boxer Rebellion, in China, the Russian-Japanese War, the struggle in Manchuria and the Russian Far East against organized Chinese gangs (Hunghuz), and the development of educational centers in Russian settlements of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) line. In addition, the article discusses Shkurkin’s role in multifaceted activities of scientific and educational organizations: the Amur branch of the Society of Oriental Studies (Khabarovsk), the Society of Russian Orientalists (Harbin), and the development of oriental education in Russia, while maintaining a high level of teaching in educational institutions for the Russian-speaking population in China. Shkurkin’s military, civil service, scientific, and educational activities contributed to spreading reliable knowledge about China and its inhabitants among the educated Russian public, creating a positive and respectful attitude towards the ancient foundations of Eastern culture, and expanding positive Russian-Chinese interaction in the border area.
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The article explores Chinese migrants in the Southern Urals in the 1920s. At this historical stage, Chinese migration to the USSR was not regulated by requests of factories and coal mines for cheap labor, as was the case in tsarist Russia. Chinese migrants came to the Soviet Union to earn money, engage in trade in part in the social and cooperative movement, and study at Soviet universities. Prerequisites for the emergence of a stable Chinese community, including in southern regions of the Urals, were born. However, the complication of relations between the USSR and China and conflict over the CER in 1929 worsened the situation of the Soviet Chinese and led to a reduction of further migration. For several decades, the formation and development of the Chinese diaspora was stopped. Based on archival documents first identified and put into circulation, the approximate sociocultural appearance of the Chinese in the South Urals is reconstructed. These materials make it possible to get an idea of such important characteristics as: total number, distribution in urban and rural areas, gender, age, place of birth, migration, marital status, occupation, change of residence and work, military service, level of education, and participation in public life. The article describes a number of details in the biography of the Chinese in the Southern Urals and shows features of migration waves of the late imperial and early Soviet periods of Russian history.
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This article investigates responses of Soviet schoolchildren of middle and older ages towards the Spanish Civil War and the arrival of Republican children to the USSR in the second half of the 1930s. Interest in reactions of this age category is connected with the fact that soon after they would bear the brunt of sacrifices in the struggle with Nazi Germany and received the status of front-line generation. Emotionally perceived events in a distant country became the source of its ideas about the future total war of the USSR and an important frontier in psychological preparation for it. Despite the refusal of the country’s political leadership to foment a revolution in Spain, this idea was guiding for young Soviet citizens. The Republican struggle, meaningful as an outbreak of world revolution, gave rise to their various manifestations of solidarity, including the collection of funds, attempts of individual and group escapes to Spain, and the self-organization of paramilitary units to join international teams. In the light of the dramatic experience of the Spanish Republicans, the future of the communist project among Soviet youth was now linked only to the fierce war that the Soviet Union was to withstand with some not necessarily decisive support from the progressive world community.
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This article explores the historiography of publishing sources on the history of Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Red-Army Deputies during the Civil War. The publication of documents related to the history of the Petrograd Soviet began in the 1920s. The political environment of the 1930s made this inconvenient: a study of the activities of the Soviet was conducted, first of all, in the context of the defense of Petrograd from the troops of General Yudenich. The publication of materials related to the Petrosoviet was stopped, as they often featured the names of figures deleted from Stalinist historiography: G. Zinoviev, G. Evdokimov, and others. In the post-war period, historians concentrated on activities of the Petrograd Soviet and its committees in 1917, resulting in a number of large-scale publications of sources. However, this situation did not touch documents of the Petrosoviet for the Civil War years. In 2019, a collection of transcripts from 1919 was released, to some extent filling this gap. This publication is in great interest, and it receives significant attention in this article.
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Рецензия на монографию: Valge J. Eesti parlament 1917–1940. Poliitiline ajalugu. Tallinn: Riigikogu Kantselei, 2019. 679 S. / Rewiev on: Valge J. Eesti parlament 1917–1940. Poliitiline ajalugu. Tallinn: Riigikogu Kantselei, 2019. 679 S
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Review of: Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden durch das nationalsozialistische Deutschland 1933-1945. Bd. 3: Deutsches Reich und Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren, September 1939 bis September 1941. Bearb. von Andrea L ö w . Hrsg. von Susanne H e i m , Ulrich H e r b e r t , Hans-Dieter K r e i k a m p , Horst M ö l l e r , Gertrud P i c k h a n , Dieter P o h l , Hartmut W e b e r und Andreas W i r s c h i n g . Oldenbourg. München 2012. 796 S., Kt. ISBN 978-3-486-58524-7. (€ 60,–.). Reviewed by Tatjana Tönsmeyer.
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