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A general increase in corruption in public administration was one of the “legacies” left after the Great War. The unprecedented hardships of daily life and the general impoverishment affected all strata of European societies during the war. This was particularly true for the territories under the control of the Central Powers which were cut off from their traditional sources of raw materials and food during the war. The misery of malnutrition and disease reduced human preoccupations to concerns for essential biological needs and mere survival. In many ways, this led to the erosion of basic presumptions of honesty and morality among the general public level, and state personnel were not immune from this general trend. On the contrary, their position became complicated because of the new roles assumed by the state for the control over the wartime economy and society. The numerous new responsibilities and areas of influence demanded that state officials at all echelons of the administration be entrusted with expanded powers. On the other hand, their average real income was declining ever more from its prewar level. The low–paid national bureaucracies deviated greatly from the ideal rational bureaucracy imagined by Max Weber. According to the research of Yugoslav/Croatian economist Mijo Mirković, during the period between 1913 and 1925, the Yugoslav state employees’ earnings were reduced by more than 50 percent. To what extent did this war-related and prolonged degradation affect the “moral infrastructure” of Yugoslav state personnel? What was the level of the administrative performance and efficiency that might have been expected from low–paid personnel? This article attempts to answer these questions by examining administrative performance of Yugoslav state personnel while it was engaged in state interventionist policies in domains of control over housing relations, over foreign trade and emigration process. In each of these domains of public affairs the state agenda was compromised by the general system of misconduct and corruption that occurred in the state administration. Low-level corruption and abuses started to appear as state officials gained the right to make arbitrary decisions on each individual problem or application. In the field of housing policy, the requisitioning practices proved to be nothing more than a cover-up for extortion and different schemes of misuse and corruption by state officials. In domain of the trade controls, the license trade regime became notorious for the wide-spread corruption involved in its procedures and conduct. The control over emigration affairs ended up in an elaborated system of extortion of applicants. Instead of serving and protecting the interests of citizens, the poorly paid administrative personnel in Belgrade tried to improve their own material position by abusing their powers. State competencies were not only violated but they also ended up serving the private interests of state employees. In view of this outcome, one wonders whether citizens might not have been better off if the state had not intervened in these affairs at all. Study of corruption in the Yugoslav public administration provides a good insight into the basic administrative limits of its “human infrastructure”. This should be taken into account when considering (possible) outcomes and concrete results of the Yugoslav state policy in the interwar period.
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The paper deals with the picture of members of various peoples which would become national minorities in Yugoslavia after WWI: Albanians, Turks, Romanians, Vlachs, Magyars, Germans, Slovaks, Ruthenians and Jews. The author analyzes the works of the Serbian writers, historians and politicians who dealt with these nationalities, ascribing them various characteristics. He tries to establish continuities and discontinuities in the “picture of the others” before and after the creation of Yugoslavia and to explain why they came about. The Serbian authors saw Albanians and partly Hungarians too, as peoples with worst characteristics, ascribing to them at the same time predominantly Serb origin. Both were seen as latecomers. Albanians were seen as savages, and Magyars as a “patchwork of peoples”. The Romanians were above all credited with great assimilationist power, but were also labeled recent newcomers in Serbia and the Banat. So were Germans. They, together with Slovaks and Ruthenians were seen as hard working and thrifty, and therefore as an economic threat to Serbs. The Jews were usually depicted in the tradition of European Anti-Semitism, with an anti-Hungarian tinge, added after WWI. The animosity toward Turks cooled down already before WWI. Between the two world wars, they were even credited with some sympathetic traits – stemming from necessities of domestic and foreign policy.
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Applying the method of quantitative and qualitative analysis of primary documents (laws and bylaws), the relationship of historical, geographical and political and legal spaces and operation of Ministers of Education of the Kingdom of SCS was examined on the example of the institutions of the university and high education. The presence of historical, geographical, political and legal spaces required the existence of different legal systems in the provisory and after in the period to 1929, i.e. unfinished tendency to establish a unique legal space essentially determined the vertical and the horizontal organization of the Ministry of Education, and with it the action of the Minister to the University of Belgrade and the University of High Schools in Zagreb. The existing political and legal conditions determined the decision-making process of Ministers of Education toward the organization and the functioning of the University in Belgrade and Zagreb, which included a wide range of provisions that appeared in the double role: the role of the circumstances (environment) of decision-making and the role of deciding cases. Deciding on these particular colleges and higher education institutions is determined by political and legal regulations, on the one hand, and the characteristics of these institutions and their position in the educational system, on the other hand. At the time of the Kingdom of SCS, the diffusion of Belgrade University and the University of High Schools in Zagreb was very determined by different legal systems conditioned by the presence of historical, geographical and political and legal spaces. Acting of the Ministers of Education towards the two most important centres of higher education was consistent with the autonomy of the University of Belgrade that is, the University and College in Zagreb with respect of provincial autonomy in Croatia and Slavonia. After the abolition of the Provincial Administration, the University of Zagreb got the same form of autonomy as well as the University of Belgrade, and the effect of Ministers of Education continued accordingly. On the basis of autonomy, acting Ministers at the University of Belgrade and the University and College in Zagreb, in practice, confirmed the development of the organization and administration, as well as the construction and application of scientific and educational base. Ministers of Education of the Kingdom of SCS, in the course of their mandates and within the jurisdiction they had, for the University of Belgrade and its faculties, contributed to the development and construction of either faculty or university in general. The basics of the University of Belgrade with the Philosophical, Law and Technical faculty were placed before the First World War, during the Kingdom of SCS they were expanded by establishing three faculties: Agriculture, Medicine and Orthodox Theology. Among the Ministers of Education, Svetozar Pribićević contributed most to the development of some faculties and the University as a whole. Consistent application of the provincial autonomy in Croatia and Slavonia first, and then the autonomy of the University of Zagreb resulted in multiple development and construction of this center of higher education in the Kingdom of SCS. After the liquidation of the Provincial Administration of Croatia and Slavonia, the Economic-Commercial High School was developed especially owing to the Minister of Education Stjepan Radić, which was in accordance with the program of the Croatian Peasant Party to reform education, in part related to higher education from the time before 1918. Later, with the establishment of the autonomy of the University of Zagreb, the most were in favour of the establishment of new institutions, the development of scientific and educational base, the choice of part-time teachers and education commissions. During the term of office of the Minister of Education Milan Grol, the establishment of new institutions and the development of scientific-educational foundation were mostly fueled at the Faculty of Philosophy. Considering the effect of all Ministers of Education in the Kingdom of SCS, it is possible to conclude that the Ministers of education of the Yugoslav Democratic Party had the major contribution to the organization, administration building and advancing scientific and educational foundations at the University of Belgrade and the University of Zagreb.
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The language practice of the Yugoslav antifascism between 1941 and 1945 was symbolically best recognizable in two phrase slogans: „Death to fascism - freedom to the people!" and „brotherhood and unity". None of them was a subject of scholarly research so far. This paper historiographically opens the problem trying to make a critical contribution to reflections on this form of the antifascist heritage. Whereas the slogan „Death to fascism - freedom to the people!" came into being in the years of the fascist ascent on the eve of WWII and was no Yugoslav specialty and disappeared gradually after the war, the slogan „brotherhood and unity" is of much more complicated origin and of longer duration. The subject matter of this paper is the concrete historical contextualization of the slogan and its appropriation by the Yugoslav communists in the time before 1945 when it doubtlessly became one of the legitimizing principles of the FPR/SFR of Yugoslavia. The personal contribution of Josip Broz Tito to the formulation of the „brotherhood and unity" slogan in the late 1930s during the People’s Front strategy of the Communist International and redefinition of its relation towards Yugoslavia is in the focus of the author’s attention. The slogan reached the peak of its mobilization and emancipation potential in 1943/44 in the People’s Liberation Movement and the formation of the AVNOJ Yugoslavia. Further appropriations of the „brotherhood and unity" principle however conducive to the development of the Yugoslav federalism, were limited by one-party and mandatory nature of the political system and the charismatic status of Josip Broz Tito that were instrumentalized by the Yugoslav communists, even to the level of political repression, and thereby its negation.
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Dok su hrvatski rodoljubi, – s malim izuzetkom, – smatrali da se Velika Hrvatska može ostvariti samo u okviru Austrije, dotle su srpski političari, – gotovo bez izuzetaka, – verovali da se Velika Srbija može stvoriti samo po cenu raspada Austrougarske. Otuda sukob između Srba i Hrvata u pitanju Aneksije: dok su Srbi Aneksiju shvatili kao jedan poraz svoje nacionalne ideje, kao udar za Srpstvo i celo Slovenstvo, dotle su Hrvati ovaj čin austrougarske diplomatije glorifikovali kao jedan uspeh hrvatske nacionalne ideje, kao jedan korak ka ostvarenju Velike Hrvatske, i kao takav, vrlo koristan i sa opšteslovenskog gledišta, pa da bi za Aneksiju pridobio samu Rusiju, tadašnji hrvatski nacionalni ideolog Stjepan Radić otputovao je u Petrograd (posetio je i Moskvu), gde je pokušao da, u smislu svoje aneksionističke ideologije, utiče na rusko javno mnjenje (koje je bilo odlučno protivno Aneksiji).
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Migration and exile are human tragedies that cannot be characterized. Since the beginning of time, the world is the scene of these tragedies. Migration is a mostly conscious, sometimes forced movement to a new life which aims to have better life conditions and styles. However exile is leaving a habitual, accepted life style usually under pressure and being sent away by force. Migration sometimes involves free will and desire; people are ready to a transition. However in exile, enforcement stands in the forefront; everything happens out of free will. In migration, there is a target to a better life or at least there is hope. On the other hand in exile, there is moving away of experiences, there is hopelessness and resentment. In author’s life, there were two exile periods after 1910. The first one was between 1913-1918 The second period was between 1922-1938. (For further info, see: Aktaş, 2014). The novels telling the tragedies of young girls are the products of the second period.
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1932 yılında Mançurya bölgesinde Manchukuo Devletinin kurulmasıyla birlikte, ülkede Japonca eğitimi resmen başlamıştır. Çin- Japon savaşı (1894 – 95) ve Rus – Japon savaşının (1904 – 05) ardından Çin’de etki alanını arttıran Japonya, bölgede Japonca eğitim vermeye başlasa da, bu eğitim Manchukuo Devletinin kurulmasıyla birlikte yaygınlık kazanır. O dönemde Japonca eğitiminin yaygınlaşması politikası, dil öğretimi politikasına dayanmaktan çok siyasi ve askeri amaçlar yönündedir. Japonya’dan davet edilen Japonca öğretmenleri ile yaygın olarak eğitim verilse de, genel olarak öğretmen sayısının az olması en büyük problemlerden biri olmuştur. 1937 yılında Japonca eğitiminin yaygınlaştırılması kararlaştırılmış, sadece Japonca eğitimi değil aynı zamanda Japonların düşünce sistemleri, kotodama (sözcüklerin ruhu olduğu düşüncesi) ve Japon geleneklerine ilişkin bilgiler de bu eğitimin içerisine dâhil edilmiştir. Manchukuo’da Japonca öğretiminde en çok benimsenen öğretim yöntemi chokusetsuhō olur. Bu çalışmada, Manchukuo devletinin kuruluşundan yıkılış sürecine dek, Japonlara ve diğer etnik milletlere verilen Japonca eğitiminin tarihsel süreci incelenmiştir. Sonuçta, Manchukuo’daki Japonca eğitiminin beklendiği kadar başarılı sonuçlarının ortaya çıkmadığı anlaşılmıştır.
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The publication contains voluminous correspondence from the years 1946−1948 between professor Ryszard Gansiniec and his wife, Zofia Gansiniec, who was at the start of her academic career in post-war Poland. The book contains numerous letters, which professor Gansiniec and his wife received in Wrocław from their friends, acquaintances, former and present colleagues and former students.
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The publication contains voluminous correspondence from the years 1946−1948 between professor Ryszard Gansiniec and his wife, Zofia Gansiniec, who was at the start of her academic career in post-war Poland. The book contains numerous letters, which professor Gansiniec and his wife received in Wrocław from their friends, acquaintances, former and present colleagues and former students.
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The publication contains voluminous correspondence from the years 1946−1948 between professor Ryszard Gansiniec and his wife, Zofia Gansiniec, who was at the start of her academic career in post-war Poland. The book contains numerous letters, which professor Gansiniec and his wife received in Wrocław from their friends, acquaintances, former and present colleagues and former students.
More...
The publication contains voluminous correspondence from the years 1946−1948 between professor Ryszard Gansiniec and his wife, Zofia Gansiniec, who was at the start of her academic career in post-war Poland. The book contains numerous letters, which professor Gansiniec and his wife received in Wrocław from their friends, acquaintances, former and present colleagues and former students.
More...
The publication contains voluminous correspondence from the years 1946−1948 between professor Ryszard Gansiniec and his wife, Zofia Gansiniec, who was at the start of her academic career in post-war Poland. The book contains numerous letters, which professor Gansiniec and his wife received in Wrocław from their friends, acquaintances, former and present colleagues and former students.
More...
The publication contains voluminous correspondence from the years 1946−1948 between professor Ryszard Gansiniec and his wife, Zofia Gansiniec, who was at the start of her academic career in post-war Poland. The book contains numerous letters, which professor Gansiniec and his wife received in Wrocław from their friends, acquaintances, former and present colleagues and former students.
More...
The publication contains voluminous correspondence from the years 1946−1948 between professor Ryszard Gansiniec and his wife, Zofia Gansiniec, who was at the start of her academic career in post-war Poland. The book contains numerous letters, which professor Gansiniec and his wife received in Wrocław from their friends, acquaintances, former and present colleagues and former students.
More...
The publication contains voluminous correspondence from the years 1946−1948 between professor Ryszard Gansiniec and his wife, Zofia Gansiniec, who was at the start of her academic career in post-war Poland. The book contains numerous letters, which professor Gansiniec and his wife received in Wrocław from their friends, acquaintances, former and present colleagues and former students.
More...
The publication contains voluminous correspondence from the years 1946−1948 between professor Ryszard Gansiniec and his wife, Zofia Gansiniec, who was at the start of her academic career in post-war Poland. The book contains numerous letters, which professor Gansiniec and his wife received in Wrocław from their friends, acquaintances, former and present colleagues and former students.
More...