Recenzija: Izvori za istoriju Komunističke partije Jugoslavije 1919—1941
The review of: Milovan Bosić — Izvori za istoriju Komunističke partije Jugoslavije 1919—1941, Izdavački center Komunist, Beograd 1984, 362 strani
More...We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
The review of: Milovan Bosić — Izvori za istoriju Komunističke partije Jugoslavije 1919—1941, Izdavački center Komunist, Beograd 1984, 362 strani
More...
The review of: Comunisti a Trieste. Un'Idenitita Difficile, Ed. Riuniti Roma 1983, 262 str.
More...
The author believes that a comparative study of individual Communist Parties in the years 1939—1941 would be necessary and attempts to reconstruct, and analyse the standpoints of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia on the basis of published and archival sources. In distinction from the temperate views held by Tito at the end of September 1939, Milovan Djilas wrote and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia approved of without Tito, the so-called October theses on the international and internal situation. The theses attacked the Social Democrats as the »agents of British and French imperialism«.
More...
Znanstveno posvetovanje »Ustanovitev in delovanje KP Reke 1921—1924«, Reka, 24. decembra 1979
More...
In his paper presented at the International Scientific Conference held at the University of Milan from December 11 to 13, 1975, the author discusses the key issues about the strategy and tactics of the Yugoslav Communist Party and the National Liberation Movement in the struggle for liberation and the seizure of power. The National War of Liberation was undoubtedly also a socialist revolution; however, it generally began to be defined as such only after the year 1963, when the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia was proclaimed. During the Second World War the term national revolution was used only exceptionally, the term national war of liberation being applied as a rule. The author gives a concise survey of the principal phases of the struggle against the emigrant governments until the constitution of the joint temporary government of the Democratic Federative Yugoslavia on March 7, 1945.
More...
The review of: Djuro Djaković, Život i djelo, gradja za monografiju. Izdal Historijski institut Slavonije i Baranje, Slavonski Brod 1979, 594 strani.
More...
The review of: Roy Medvedov, Le stalinisme. Origines, histoire, consequences. Editions du Seuil, Paris 1972, 638 strani
More...
The history which preceded the Communist Manifesto is closely connected with the origins and formation of the scientific socialism of Marx and Engels and with the labour movement in general, especially from about 1830 onwards. The Manifesto was published in February 1848.
More...
Dans la premiere moitié de l’année 1937, au moment du Congrès constitutif du Parti communiste de Slovénie, l’intérêt du public dans ,1e pays et dans le monde se fixait avant tout sur les problèmes suivants: les rapports de la Yougoslavie à l’égard de l’Allemagne nazie, le règlement et l’amélioration des rapports bilatéraux avec les pays limitrophes qui poursuivaient une politique irrédentiste ou expansionniste (Bulgarie, Hongrie, Italie), le point de vue de la Yougoslavie à l’égard de la Petite entente et de la proposition franco-tchécoslovaque pour la transformation de la petite Entente en un pacte général de défense, et la signature d'un pacte du bloc tout entier de cette Petite Entente avec la France. D’abord la Yougoslavie signa un pacte d’amitié éternelle avec la Bulgarie (29 janvier 1937), ce qui causa bien des frictions et des suspiscions parmi les membres du Pacte balkanique. La signature du pacte avec l'Italie (25 mars 1937) et la visite du ministre des Affaires étrangères Von Neurath au début de juin 1937 (visite qui était prévue depuis le mois de janvier), tout cela ne fit qu’ augmenter le mécontentement contre la politique de Stojadinovic.
More...
Вследствие правительственного постановления от 29 декабря 1920 г., известного под названием „Обзпапа* (объявление), запретившего деятельность Коммунистической партии Югославии, Союза коммунистической молодежи и революционных профсоюзов, выход коммунистической печати итд., КПЮ была вынуждена с-начала 1921 года перейти в подполье, в котором оставалась более двух десятилетий. Нелегальное ее существование еще усугубилось, когда в начале августа 1921 г. народная скупщина (парламент) приняла специальный закон о защите государства, — одно из самых свирепых антикоммунистических мероприятий тогдашнего времени. Таким образом период немногим более одного полугодия являлся переломным для КПЮ, созданной в 1919 году, а в Словении в апреле 1920 г.
More...
This work is an attempt to present the sufferings of those citizens of Serbia proper who supported the resistance movement led by the communists and who participated actively in the units of NLAY, based on the partly done revised register “War victims, 1941-1954” done in 1964. Due to the fact that the analysis is based on a great sample covered by the register, a clear picture of sufferings of this part of population is obtained. Killed NLAY members make 39,79% of all the killed inhabitants of Serbia proper, with the proportion to killed civilians being 1:1,44. During the last 2 years of the War, 83,15% of all the partisans from Serbia proper lost their lives. The national structure of those who were killed shows that with 90,43% of inhabitants, the Serbs make 97,04% of killed partisans, Serbian partisans make 20,55% of all killed partisans of Yugoslavia and the Serbs among them make 35,82% of killed Serbs in NLAY orders. The social-economic structure shows that the most numerous among them were agriculturists, 73%, and workers, small craftsmen and merchants, along with pupils, students, clerks, freelancers, in the first 3 years that were critical for the movement, contributed to its existence, participating with 46%-53% among the killed.
More...
The USA strategy development towards non-aligned countries represents the union of continuity and changes. The continuity is shown in efforts to strengthen its own positions and interests as much as possible in the non-aligned movement due to further consolidation of political, militaristic, economic and technological leadership of the USA in the world. The changes are manifested in the valuation system of the non-aligned politics and its role in the modern world. The attitude of the USA to the non-alignment went from the period of denying the international orientation of non-aligned countries at the end of the 1950s and the beginning of the 1960s, followed by the period of disregard, up to the beginning of the 1970s, as well as by the confrontation with non-aligned countries, „the third block” that had carried out the „tyranny of the majority”, to the tacit acknowledgment of the non-alignment, but with the further confrontation with non-aligned countries (up to the Carter’s government). Eventually, it entered the phase of public acknowledgment and advocacy for the cooperation with nonaligned countries at the end of the 1970s. In the 1980s, the USA began to flow towards the gradual exclusion of the non-aligned movement from the international scene, by its neutralization and submissiveness, which certainly represented the picture of the complete crash of the non-aligned politics and the marginalization of the non-aligned movement role in the modern world.
More...
Proučavajući studiozno savremenu evropsku literaturu iz društvenih nauka, posebno ekonomsku, filozofsku i politikološku, kao i domaće a zatim hrvatske i ruske istoričare, Nikola Pašić je još u vreme studija na Politehničkom fakultetu u Cirihu stekao više nego solidno teorijsko znanje koje je mogao da primeni s velikom preciznošću na aktuelna socijalna stanja i politička kretanja u Evropi i tadašnjoj Srbiji. Navika da proučava savremenu literaturu i koristi u političke svrhe najumnije „naučne glave Srbije” ostala je i tokom njegove duge političke i državničke djelatnosti orijentišući se, prema nametnutim savremenim nacionalnim pitanjima, sve više ka etnološkoj literaturi i njemu „omiljenom čitanju geografskih karata”. I dok je god bio na vlasti podržavao je studijska proučavanja srpskih etnologa na terenu, slao studente da se obrazuju na čuvenim evropskim univerzitetima i kasnije koristio njihova znanja.
More...
The year 1956 represented without doubt the most turbulent period after the break in Yugoslav-Soviet relations in 1948. As Sir Roberts pointed out in his annual report, the history of diplomacy knows of few cases in which relations between two countries have gone from one extreme to the other in such a short time. While observing the course of these events, despite pressure caused by the deterioration of their country’s relations with Yugoslavia, British diplomats, especially the ambassador Sir Roberts, succeeded in offering a sound interpretation of the character of the relations and the motives influencing the decisions made by the Yugoslav and Soviet leaders. Often their assessments of the true state of affairs in Yugoslav-Soviet relations and their opinions regarding the future of these relations disagreed with the views of their superiors in London. Actual events regularly confirmed, however, the opinions of the diplomats in Belgrade. A study of the reports of British diplomats arriving from Belgrade in the course of 1956 indicates scarce coverage of the events involving Hungary in the first half of November. Sir Roberts’ absence from Belgrade during this period certainly played an important part in this. Consequently, in the first, deciding days of the Hungarian crisis there was no one to send the brilliant political analyses, based on close contacts with Yugoslav leaders, which this exceptional diplomat otherwise regularly dispatched from Belgrade. It is the author’s guess that in this period communication between the British diplomats in London and Belgrade was limited to purely informative reports, which unfortunately are still unavailable for research. Nevertheless, as shown in this article, the quality primarily of Sir Roberts’ analyses made before and after this short period, present in an exceptionally comprehensive form the Western interpretation of Yugoslav-Soviet relations in 1956 and at the time of the Hungarian crisis.
More...
The article deals with different ways of constructing the image of the enemy in the partisan war campaign movies. Those films belong to socialist Yugoslavian cinematography and they are depicting seven military operations of German army and its allies against Yugoslav partisans during the World War Two. Those battles became very significant (in real and symbolic sense) for ideological discourse of Yugoslav communists.
More...
This paper presents Lenin’s theory and practice of class war. At the first, it will be given the elements of class war by Karl Marx. At the second, author presents Lenin's conception of the class war developed in books What should be do? and State and Revolution. And at the third, in this article will be given a description of class war practice during the Russian revolution. The author believes that, although Lenin developed ideas of class war by the end, some of its elements already existed in Marx works, but the responsibility for the practice of classocide lies, above all, in leadership of Lenin and the Bolsheviks.
More...
In the word analysis and acts of its fathers Marxism is represented as a bundle of promises on the change of relations in society, flammable slogans, unrealistic conceptions of a human and society and brutal reckoning with the wrong classes, religious people and organized Churches or in short with all the dissidents. Central preoccupation of all communist leaders is revolution, hate and revenge with false promise to offer changed and improved living conditions. Thereby communism produces death and trouble, since it is turned to evil. It is also a system designed for extreme control of the human spirit and prescribing the way of thinking.If we take into consideration its basic philosophical assumptions outcomes of the applied communism are expected. Radical atheism and considering world as a relation of material realities as well as considering society as a predatory relation of bourgeoisie and proletariat which can be and has to be overcome only by revolution and massive destruction of opponents, inevitably produce a lot of violence or evil. Absence of God and lack of need for distinguishing good and evil gives the self-confidence to a couple of people regarding their absolute authority. In practice communism always isolated a tight group of those who decided what the best was for those who were not a part of that selected group (Party) and who endeavored to eliminate potential political opponents. As far as Catholic dogma is concerned, communism represents a wrong understanding of a man, wrong concept of the human society, wrong analysis of human relations and wrong understanding of the history. Since communism is a comprehensive system, world view, the Church officially pointed out that it could not accept it any part, it must reject it completely. Having come into power in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, communists repeated everything their role models, from Lenin to Stalin, had done before in Russia. Communism was confirmed one more time as a system with inherent predispositions for suppressing freedom and free ideas and as a suppressor of all in advance denounced segments of the society. Therefore it is understandable that Catholic Church pays special attention to the victims of that godless, antihuman and anti-civilizational system and that it wants to point out their sacrifice as witnessing for God, religion, personal ideals, communion of holy persons and as a pledge for a really better future of the world. Helping to shed light on the circumstances of their martyrdom, members of that Church in Croatian people only fulfill their debt towards those victims.
More...
Twenty years after the famous Eighth Session of the League of Communist of Serbia, author tries to question many of the myths constructed around it in the meantime. In his analysis he recalls forgoten perspective of the Croatian leadership of the time. Author remind us that Croatian communists percieved both factions of Serbian communists as equally nationalistic, and that Milosevic received support of all others republics for the change of serbian constitution in 1989. He also insists on the fact that Croatians started their breaking of Yugoslavia with maspok already, and that they initiated creation of paramilitary formations in 1985 in emigration. His main thesis is that process of creation and dissolution of Yugoslavia has to be analized above all through developments of serbian – croatian relationships.
More...
The conflict between the Yugoslav Communist Party (KPJ) and the Cominform passed through various phases but in the beginning, at least, it had little to do with ideological or theoretical issues. The main problems troubling Yugo-Soviet relations had a different significance and background. They revolved around the conduct of one state towards the other and the attempt at breaking down Yugoslav independence. Yugoslavia’s unprecedented political insubordination represented a dangerous example of opting for an autonomous course in social development, and was considered highly detrimental to the monolithic structure of the international proletarian organization, which was based on this organization’s absolute loyalty and submission to »the foremost socialist country«. Yugoslavia was the first country to offer this sort of resistance to Soviet pressure, and the nature of the ensuing conflict made the »Yugoslav deviation« an important generator of disintegration within the East-European model of socialism. It was a step towards modern times and conditions, in which the concepts of justice, freedom and equality would be practiced without the revolutionary mortgage at all costs.
More...
In 1945 the imitation of Soviet models in Yugoslavia spread to the cultural and political sphere. The works of the best known Soviet ideologists and the theory of social realism became dominant. Translations of Soviet literature prevailed, Russian became a mandatory foreign language in schools, while Russian and modem Soviet artistic forms gained supremacy in the Yugoslav theater and movie production. The change in the cultural and political course came in 1949, and its consequences were soon felt in the programs of cultural institutions. Yugoslav cultural circles began turning their attention to Western trends. The changes in the cultural domain were formally confirmed at the plenary session of the Yugoslav Communist Party held towards the end of 1949, when Milovan Djilas explained the general turnabout. As a result, professional expertise gained greater importance in the political appraisal of artists and scientists. Individuals whose thoughts veered from official party ideology were thus given the chance to publish their ideas, and although this in no way threatened the acquired privileges of the Marxists it did make room for the expression of different views among the Communist theorists. Djilas was in favor of greater freedom of culture from the influence of politics, while Boris Ziherl was foremost among those who insisted on the need to maintain the inviolability of the Marxist dogma. Within a few years, however, the Communist elite, fearing that social liberalization might go too far and prove a threat to their monopoly, put a stop to the process of cultural reform. In the sphere of culture the ideas of the hitherto leading theorist Milovan Djilas were substituted by the dogmatic views supported by Boris Ziherl. The Communist Party thus showed that the time had not come yet for free cultural creativity, guided solely by the imagination and the aims of artists and scientists.
More...